In the United States, black genocide is a conspiracy theory which holds that African Americans are the victims of genocide instituted by white Americans. This type of notional genocide was formally described in 1951 as the result of decades of lynchings and long term racial discrimination. Malcolm X talked about "black genocide" in the early 1960s, citing long term injustice and cruelty by whites against blacks. After 1964 when President Lyndon B. Johnson pushed through his War on Poverty legislation including public funding of the Pill for the poor, family planning (birth control) was said to be "black genocide" in July 1967 at the first Black Power Conference held in New Jersey. In 1970 after abortion was more widely legalized, black militants named abortion specifically as part of the conspiracy theory.
Most African-American women were not convinced of a conspiracy, and rhetoric about race genocide faded. In 1973, media revelations about decades of government-sponsored compulsory sterilization was said to be part of a plan for black genocide. That same year, a poll determined that the fear of black genocide was strongest in uneducated young black males from northeastern U.S. cities.
Petition to the United Nations
After World War II and following many years of mistreatment of African Americans by white Americans, the U.S. government's official policies regarding the matter shifted significantly. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) said in 1946 that negative international opinion about US racial policies brought pressure to bear on the US and that this was helping to alleviate the mistreatment "of racial and national minorities." President Harry S. Truman signed a 1948 order desegregating the military. Black citizens challenged old ways of racial discrimination.
The United Nations (UN) was formed in 1945. The UN debated and adopted a Genocide Convention in late 1948, holding that genocide was the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part", a racial group. Based on the "in part" definition, the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), a group composed of African Americans with Communist affiliations, presented to the UN in 1951 a petition called "We Charge Genocide". The petition listed 10,000 unjust deaths of African Americans in the nine decades since the American Civil War. It described lynching, mistreatment, murder and oppression by whites against blacks to conclude that the US government was conducting a genocide of African Americans, by refusing to address "the persistent, widespread, institutionalized commission of the crime of genocide". The petition was presented to the UN convention in Paris by CRC leader William L. Patterson, and in New York City by the singer and actor Paul Robeson who was a civil rights activist and a Communist member of CRC.
The Cold War raised American concerns about Communist expansionism. The CRC petition was viewed by the US government as being against America's best interests with regard to fighting Communism. The petition was ignored by the UN; many of the charter countries looked to the US for guidance and were not willing to arm the enemies of the US with more propaganda about its failures in domestic racial policy. American responses to the petition were various: Radio journalist Drew Pearson spoke out against the supposed "Communist propaganda" before it was presented to the UN. Professor Raphael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer who had helped draft the UN Genocide Convention, said that the CRC petition was a misguided effort which drew attention away from the Soviet Union's genocide of Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) issued a statement saying that there was no black genocide even though serious matters of racial discrimination certainly did exist in America. Walter Francis White, leader of the NAACP, wrote that the CRC petition contained "authentic" instances of discrimination, mostly taken from reliable sources. He said "Whatever the sins of the nation against the Negro—and they are many and gruesome—genocide is not among them." UN Delegate Eleanor Roosevelt said that it was "ridiculous" to characterize long term discrimination as genocide.
The "We Charge Genocide" petition received more notice in international news than in domestic US media. French and Czech media carried the story prominently, as did newspapers in India. In 1952, African-American author J. Saunders Redding traveling in India was repeatedly asked questions about specific instances of civil rights abuse in the U.S., and the CRC petition was used by Indians to rebut his assertions that U.S. race relations were improving. In the U.S., the petition faded from public awareness by the late 1950s. However, in 1961, Malcolm X spoke out about the same lynchings and oppression as described in the CRC petition, calling this form of racial discrimination "black genocide". The 1964 Malcolm X speech "The Ballot or the Bullet" also draws from "We Charge Genocide".
Suggested genocidal acts
Beginning in 1907, some US state legislatures passed laws allowing for the compulsory sterilization of criminals, mentally retarded people, and institutionalized mentally ill patients. At first, African Americans and white Americans suffered sterilization in roughly equal ratio. By 1945, some 70,000 Americans had been sterilized in these programs. In the 1950s, the federal welfare program Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) was criticized by some whites who did not want to subsidize poor black families. States such as North and South Carolina performed sterilization procedures on low-income black mothers who were giving birth to their second child. The mothers were told that they would have to agree to have their tubes tied or their welfare benefits would be cancelled, and also the benefits of the families they were born into. Because of this racist reaction, sterilization of African Americans increased from 23% of the total in the 1930s and 1940s to 59% at the end of the 1950s, and rose further to 64% in the mid-1960s.
In mid-1973 news stories revealed the forced sterilization of poor black women and children, paid for by federal funds. Two girls of the Relf family in Mississippi, deemed mentally incompetent at ages 12 and 14, and also 18-year-old welfare recipient Nial Ruth Cox of North Carolina, were prominent cases of involuntary sterilization. Jet magazine presented the story under the headline "Genocide". Critics said these stories were publicized by activists against legal abortion.
The combined oral contraceptive pill, popularly known as "the Pill", was approved for US markets in 1957 as a medicine, and in 1961 for birth control. In 1962, civil rights activist Whitney Young told the National Urban League not to support birth control for blacks. Marvin Davies, leader of the Florida chapter of the NAACP, said that black women should reject birth control and produce more babies so that black political influence would increase in the future.
The Pill was considered expensive by working class women; the first users were upper- and middle-class women. In 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson worked to ease the financial load on working-class people with his War on Poverty program, part of his Great Society program which sought to eliminate poverty and racial discrimination. With the passing of legislation providing government funding for birth control, Black militants became more concerned about a possible government-sponsored black genocide. Cecil B. Moore, head of the NAACP chapter in Philadelphia, spoke out against a Planned Parenthood program which was to establish a stronger presence in northern Philadelphia; the population in the targeted neighborhoods was 70% black. Moore said it would be "race suicide" for blacks to embrace birth control.
From 1965 to 1970, black militant males, especially younger men from poverty-stricken areas, spoke out against birth control as black genocide. The Black Panther Party and the Nation of Islam were the strongest voices. The Black Panther Party identified a number of injustices as contributing to black genocide, including social ills that were more serious in black populations, such as drug abuse, prostitution and sexually transmitted disease. Other injustices included unsafe housing, malnutrition and the over-representation of young black men on the front lines of the Vietnam War. Influential black activists such as singer/author Julius Lester and comedian Dick Gregory said that blacks should increase in population and avoid genocidal family planning measures. H. Rap Brown of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) held that black genocide consisted of four elements: more blacks executed than whites, malnutrition in impoverished areas affected blacks more than whites, the Vietnam War killed more blacks than whites, and birth control programs in black neighborhoods were trying to end the black race. A birth control clinic in Cleveland, Ohio, was torched by black militants who said it contributed to black genocide.
Black Muslims said that birth control was against the teachings of the Koran, and that the role of women in Muslim society was to produce children. In this context, the Black Muslims felt that birth control was a genocidal attack by whites. The Muslim weekly journal, Muhammad Speaks, carried many articles demonizing birth control.
In Newark, New Jersey, in July 1967, the Black Power movement held its first convention: the National Conference on Black Power. The convention identified several means by which whites were attempting the annihilation of blacks. Injustices in housing practices, reductions in welfare benefits, and government-subsidized family planning were named as elements of "black genocide". Ebony magazine printed a story in March 1968 which revealed that black genocide was believed by poor blacks to be the impetus behind government-funded birth control.
Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., was a strong proponent of birth control for blacks. In 1966, he was honored with the Margaret Sanger Award in Human Rights, an award based on the tireless birth control activism of Margaret Sanger, a co-founder of Planned Parenthood. King emphasized that birth control gave the black man better command over his personal economic situation, keeping the number of his children within his monetary means. In April 1968, Martin Luther King, Jr., was shot and killed. Charles V. Willie wrote in 1971 that this event marked the beginning of serious reflection among African Americans "about the possibility of [black] genocide in America. There were lynchings, murders, and manslaughters in the past. But the assassination of Dr. King was too much. Many blacks believed that Dr. King had represented their best... If America could not accept Dr. King, then many felt that no black person in America was safe."
Black women were generally critical of the Black Power rejection of birth control. In 1968, a group of black radical feminists in Mt. Vernon, New York issued "The Sisters Reply"; a rebuttal which said that birth control gave black women the "freedom to fight the genocide of black women and children," referring to the greater death rate among children and mothers in poor families. Frances M. Beal, co-founder of the Black Women's Liberation Committee of the SNCC, refused to believe that the black woman must be subservient to the black man's wishes. Angela Davis and Linda LaRue reacted against the Black Power limitations directing women to serve as mothers producing "warriors for the revolution." Toni Cade said that indiscriminate births would not bring the liberation of blacks closer to realization; she advocated the Pill as a tool to help space out the births of black children, to make it easier for families to raise them. The Black Women's Liberation Group accused "poor black men" of failing to support the babies they helped produce, therefore supplying young black women with reason to use contraceptives. Dara Abubakari, a black separatist, wrote that "women should be free to decide if and when they want children". A 1970 study found that 80% of black women in Chicago approved of birth control, and that 75% of women in their child-bearing years were using it. A 1971 study found that a majority of black men and women were in favor of government-subsidized birth control.
In Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, a community struggle for and against a birth control clinic in the Homewood area of east Pittsburgh made national news. Women in Pittsburgh had lobbied for a birth control clinic in the 1920s and were relieved in 1931 when the American Birth Control League (ABCL) established one. The ABCL changed its name in 1942 to Planned Parenthood. The Pittsburgh clinic initiated an educational outreach program to poor families in the Lower Hill District in 1956. This program was twinned into the poverty-stricken Homewood-Brushton area in 1958. Planned Parenthood considered opening another clinic there, and conducted meetings with community leaders. In 1963 a mobile clinic was moved around the area. In December 1965, the Planned Parenthood Clinic of Pittsburgh (PPCP) applied for federal funding based on the War on Poverty legislation Johnson had promoted. In May 1966 the application was approved, and PPCP began to establish clinics throughout Pittsburgh, a total of 18 by 1967, 11 of these subsidized by the federal government and placed in poor districts. In mid-1966 the Pennsylvania state legislature held up family planning funds in committee. Catholic bishops gained media exposure for their assertion that Pittsburgh birth control efforts were a form of covert black genocide. In November 1966 the bishops said that the government was coercing poor people to have smaller families. Some black leaders such as local NAACP member Dr. Charles Greenlee agreed with the bishops that birth control was black genocide. Greenlee said Planned Parenthood was "an honorable and good organization" but that the federal Office of Economic Opportunity was sponsoring genocidal programs. Greenlee said "the Negro's birth rate is the only weapon he has. When he reaches 21 he can vote." Greenlee targeted the Homewood clinic for closure; in doing so he allied with black militant William "Bouie" Haden and Catholic bishop Charles Owen Rice to speak out against black genocide, and against PPCP's educational outreach program. Planned Parenthood's Director of Community Relations Dr. Douglas Stewart said that the false charge of black genocide was harming the national advancement of blacks. In July 1968, Haden announced he was willing to blow up the clinic to keep it from operating. The Catholic church paid him a salary of $10,000, igniting an outcry in Pittsburgh media. Bishop John Wright was called a "puppet of Bouie Haden". The PPCP closed the Homewood clinic in July 1968 and stopped its educational program because of concerns about violence. The black congregation of the Bethesda United Presbyterian Church issued a statement saying that accusations of black genocide were "patently false". A meeting was scheduled for March 1969 to discuss the issue. About 200 women, mostly black, appeared in support of the clinic, and it was reopened. This was seen as a major defeat for the black militant notion that government-funded birth control was black genocide.
In the US in the 21st century, blacks are most likely to be at risk of unintended pregnancy: 84% of black women of reproductive age use birth control, in contrast to 91% of Caucasian and Hispanic women, and 92% of Asian Americans. This results in black women having the highest rate of unintended pregnancy—in 2001, almost 10% of black women giving birth between the ages of 15 to 44 had unintended pregnancies, which was more than twice the rate of white women. Poverty affects these statistics, as low-income women are more likely to experience disruption in their lives; disruption which affects the steady use of birth control. People in poor areas are more suspicious of the health care system, and they may refuse medical treatment and advice, especially for less-critical wellness treatments such as birth control.
Abortion in the US was illegal in the 19th century, but was nevertheless an option for wealthy women who could afford close-mouthed private doctors. However, slave women brought with them from Africa the knowledge of traditional folk birth control practices, and of abortion obtained through the use of herbs, blunt trauma, and other methods of killing the fetus or producing strong uterine cramps. Slave women were expected to breed more slave children and thus enrich their owners, but some quietly rebelled from this horror. The women were not trying to avoid pregnancy or parenthood; they were reacting to the terrible condition of slavery by refusing to bring new life into it. In 1856 a white doctor reported that a number of slave owners were upset that their slaves appeared to hold a "secret by which they destroy the foetus at an early age of gestation". However, this folk knowledge was suppressed in the new American culture, especially by the nascent American Medical Association, and its practice fell away.
After slavery ended, black women formed social groups and clubs in the 1890s to "uplift their race." The revolutionary idea that a black woman might enjoy a full life without ever being a mother was presented in Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin's magazine The Woman's Era. Knowledge was secretly shared among clubwomen regarding how to find practitioners offering illegal medical or traditional abortion services. Working-class black women, forced more often into sex with white men, continued to find a need for birth control and abortion. Black women who earned less than $10 per day paid $50 to $75 for an illegal and dangerous abortion. Throughout the 20th century, "backstreet" abortion providers in black neighborhoods were also sought out by poor white women who wanted to rid themselves of a pregnancy. Abortion providers who were black were prosecuted much more often than white ones.
In the Tennessee General Assembly in 1967, Dorothy Lavinia Brown, MD, the first African-American woman surgeon and a state assemblywoman, was the first American to sponsor a proposed bill to fully legalize abortion. Though this early effort failed, abortion was made legal in various US states from 1967 to 1972. During this time the Black Panthers printed pamphlets describing abortion as black genocide, expanding on their earlier stance regarding family planning. However, most minority groups stood in favor of the decriminalization of abortion; the New York Times reported in 1970 that more non-white women than white women died as a result of "crude, illegal abortions". Legalized abortion was expected to produce fewer deaths of the mother. A poll in Buffalo, New York, conducted by the National Organization for Women (NOW), found that 75% of blacks supported the decriminalization of abortion.
After the January 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision made abortion legal in the US, Jet magazine publisher Robert E. Johnson authored an article called "Legal Abortion: Is It Genocide Or Blessing In Disguise?" Johnson cast the issue as one which polarized the black community along gender lines: black women generally viewed abortion as a "blessing in disguise" but black men such as Reverend Jesse Jackson viewed it as black genocide. Jackson said he was in favor of birth control but not abortion. The next year, Senator Mark Hatfield, an anti-abortion activist, emphasized to Congress that Jackson "regards abortion as a form of genocide practiced against blacks."
In Jet, Johnson quoted Lu Palmer, a radio journalist in Chicago, who said that there was inequity between the sexes: a young black man who helped create an unwanted pregnancy could go his "merry way" while the young woman involved was stigmatized by society and saddled with a financial and emotional burden, often without a safety net of caregivers to sustain her. Civil rights lawyer Florynce Kennedy punctured the notion that black women were needed to populate the Black Power revolution. She said that black majorities in the Deep South were not known to be hotbeds of revolution, and that limiting black women to the role of mothers was "not too far removed from a cultural past where Black women were encouraged to be breeding machines for their slave masters." Tennessee Assemblywoman Dorothy Brown said black women "should dispense quickly the notion that abortion is genocide", rather, they should look to the earliest Atlantic slave traders as the root of genocide. Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm wrote in 1970 that the linking of abortion and genocide "is male rhetoric, for male ears."
However, a link between abortion and black genocide has been noted by later observers. Mildred Fay Jefferson, a surgeon and an anti-abortion activist, wrote about black genocide in 1978, saying "abortionists have done more to get rid of generations and cripple others than all of the years of slavery and lynching."
In 2009, American pro-life activists in Georgia who were frustrated by the poor response of black people to anti-abortion advertisements revived the idea that a black genocide was in progress. A strong response from this strategy was observed among blacks, and in 2010 more focus was placed on describing abortion as black genocide. White pro-life activist Mark Crutcher produced a documentary called Maafa 21 which vilifies Planned Parenthood and its founder Margaret Sanger, and describes various historic aspects of eugenics, birth control and abortion with the aim of convincing the viewer that abortion is black genocide. Pro-life activists showed the documentary to black audiences across the US. The film was criticized as distorted propaganda, for its false representation of Sanger and for dishonesty. In March 2011, a series of abortion-as-genocide billboard advertisements were shown in South Chicago, an area with a large population of African Americans. From May to November 2011, presidential candidate Herman Cain criticized Planned Parenthood, calling abortion "planned genocide" and "black genocide".
African Americans pushed for equal participation in US military service in the first part of the 20th century and especially during World War II. Finally, President Harry S. Truman signed legislation to integrate the US military in 1948. However, Selective Service System deferments, military assignments, and especially the recruits accepted through Project 100,000 resulted in a greater representation of blacks in combat in the Vietnam War in the second half of the 1960s. African Americans represented 11% of the US population but 12.6% of troops sent to Vietnam. Cleveland Sellers said that the drafting of poor black men into war was "a plan to commit calculated genocide". Former SNCC chairman Stokely Carmichael, black congressman Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. and SNCC member Rap Brown agreed. In October 1969, King's widow Coretta Scott King spoke at an anti-war protest held at the primarily black Morgan State College in Baltimore. Campus leaders published a statement against what they termed "black genocide" in Vietnam, blaming President Richard Nixon in the US as well as President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu and Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ from South Vietnam.
In 1969, H. Rap Brown wrote in his autobiography, Die Nigger Die!, that American courts "conspire to commit genocide" against blacks by putting a disproportionate number of them in prison. Political scientist Joy A. James wrote that "antiblack genocide" is the motivating force which explains the way that US prisons are filled largely with black prisoners. Author and former prisoner Mansfield B. Frazier wrote that he thinks white people in the US "are secretly engaged in a program of genocide against the black race." His reasoning includes the observation that "so many black men of child-producing age" are in American prisons convicted of crimes for which men of other races do not get incarcerated.
In 1976, sociologist Irving Louis Horowitz published an analysis of black genocide and concluded that racist vigilantism and sporadic action by individual whites was to blame for the various statistics that show blacks suffering from higher death rates. Horowitz concluded that the US government could not be implicated as a conspirator, that there was no conspiracy to engage in concerted black genocide.
Political scientist Joy A. James wrote in 2013 that the "logical conclusion" of American racism is genocide, and that members of the black elite are complicit, along with white Americans, in carrying out black genocide.
- Trent Franks
- Rod Parsley
- Harry R. Jackson, Jr., The Truth In Black & White
- Political positions of Herman Cain
- List of conspiracy theories
- Title X
- African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968)
- Kumeh, Titania (October 12, 2010). "Conspiracy Watch: Is Abortion Black Genocide?". Mother Jones.
- "Rick Tyler: Gingrich Backer Airs 'Black Genocide' Theory on MSNBC". International Business Times. February 1, 2012. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Agins, Donna Brown (2006). Maya Angelou: Diversity Makes for a Rich Tapestry. Enslow Publishers. pp. 52–53. ISBN 0766024695.
- "People & Events: Black Genocide". American Experience. PBS. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Smith, Mary (March 1968). "Birth Control and the Negro Woman". Ebony. 23 (5): 29.
- Wright, Nathan (December 1969). "Black Power vs. Black Genocide". The Black Scholar. Paradigm Publishers. 1 (2): 47–52.
- Scott, Laell (May 25, 1970). "Legal Abortions, Ready or Not". New York Magazine. 3 (21): 68. ISSN 0028-7369.
- Nelson, Jennifer (2003). Women of Color: And the Reproductive Rights Movement. NYU Press. p. 89. ISBN 0814758274.
- Caron, Simone M. (Spring 1998). "Birth Control and the Black Community in the 1960s: Genocide or Power Politics?". Journal of Social History. Oxford University Press. 31 (3): 545–569. doi:10.1353/jsh/31.3.545.
- Martin, Charles H. (Summer 1997). "Internationalizing 'The American Dilemma': The Civil Rights Congress and the 1951 Genocide Petition to the United Nations". Journal of American Ethnic History. University of Illinois Press. 16 (4): 35–61.
- Brian Greenberg, Linda S. Watts, Richard A. Greenwald, Gordon Reavley, Alice L. George, Scott Beekman, Cecelia Bucki, Mark Ciabattari, John C. Stoner, Troy D. Paino, Laurie Mercier, Andrew Hunt, Peter C. Holloran, Nancy Cohen, ed. (2008). Social History of the United States. ABC-CLIO. p. 356. ISBN 1598841289.
- Terrill, Robert (2010). The Cambridge Companion to Malcolm X. Cambridge University Press. p. 84. ISBN 1139825453.
- Tyner, James A. (2012). Genocide and the Geographical Imagination: Life and Death in Germany, China, and Cambodia. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 52. ISBN 1442208996.
- Kaelber, Lutz (2012). "Eugenics/Sexual Sterilizations in North Carolina". University of Vermont. Retrieved March 6, 2013. College course study guide
- Hattery, Angela J.; Smith, Earl (2007). African American Families. SAGE. p. 162. ISBN 1412924669.
- Critchlow 1999, p. 144
- Thompson, M. Cordell (July 19, 1973). "Genocide: Black Youngsters Are Sterilized By Alabama Agency". Jet. Johnson Publishing. 44 (17): 12–15. ISSN 0021-5996.
- Hume, Martha (March 1974). "Abortion in Texas". Texas Monthly. Emmis Communications. 2 (3): 68. ISSN 0148-7736.
- Silliman, Jael Miriam (2004). Undivided Rights: Women Of Color Organize For Reproductive Justice. South End Press. p. 53. ISBN 0896087298.
- Kluchin, Rebecca M. (2011). Fit to Be Tied: Sterilization and Reproductive Rights in America, 1950–1980. Critical Issues in Health and Medicine. Rutgers University Press. p. 53. ISBN 081354999X.
- "Timeline: The Pill". American Experience. PBS. Retrieved February 22, 2013.
- Critchlow, Donald T. (1999). Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in Modern America. Oxford University Press. p. 142. ISBN 0198021534.
- Willie, Charles Vert (1977). "A National Population Policy and the Fear of Racial Genocide". In Charles Vert Willie. Black/Brown/White Relations: Race Relations in the 1970s. Transaction Publishers. pp. 27–28. ISBN 141281880X.
- Davis, Angela Y. (2011). Women, Race, & Class. Random House Digital. p. 203. ISBN 0307798496. Reprint of 1981 original.
- Murphy, Michelle (2012). Seizing the Means of Reproduction: Entanglements of Feminism, Health, and Technoscience. Experimental futures. Duke University Press. pp. 44–45. ISBN 0822353369.
- Cade, Toni (1970). "The Pill: Genocide or Liberation?". In Toni Cade. The Black Woman: An Anthology. New American Library. pp. 162–169.
- "Battle of Negroes Looms Over Center in Pittsburgh". The News and Courier. Charleston, South Carolina. Associated Press. October 7, 1968. p. 10A. Retrieved February 22, 2013.
- "Contraceptive Use in the United States". Fact Sheet. Guttmacher Institute. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Cohen, Susan A. (Summer 2008). "Abortion and Women of Color: The Bigger Picture". Guttmacher Policy Review. Guttmacher Institute. 11 (3).
- Ross, Loretta J. (1993). "African-American Women and Abortion: 1800–1970". In Abena P. A. Busia, Stanlie M. James. Theorizing Black Feminisms: The Visionary Pragmatism of Black Women. Routledge. p. 146. ISBN 0203991354.
- Ross, Loretta J. (Spring 1994). "A Simple Human Right; The History Of Black Women And Abortion". On The Issues. Retrieved February 20, 2013.
- Silliman 2004, p. 51
- Schwartz, Marie Jenkins (2006). Birthing a Slave: Motherhood And Medicine in the Antebellum South. Harvard University Press. p. 111. ISBN 0674022025.
- Wilt, Judith (1990). Abortion, Choice, and Contemporary Fiction: The Armageddon of the Maternal Instinct. University of Chicago Press. p. 14. ISBN 0226901580.
- "Liberal abortion law passed by divided New York Senate". The Miami News. Albany, New York. The New York Times. March 19, 1970. p. 4A.
- Tribe, Laurence H. (1992). Abortion: The Clash of Absolutes (2 ed.). W. W. Norton & Company. p. 48. ISBN 0393309568.
- Johnson, Robert E. (March 22, 1973). "Legal Abortion: Is It Genocide Or Blessing In Disguise?". Jet. Johnson Publishing. 43 (26): 12–18, 51. ISSN 0021-5996.
- Peach, Lucinda (2002). Legislating Morality : Pluralism and Religious Identity in Lawmaking: Pluralism and Religious Identity in Lawmaking. Oxford University Press. p. 87. ISBN 0198032862.
- United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments (1974). Abortion: hearings before the Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments of the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, Ninety-third Congress, second session. Government Printing Office. pp. 7, 15.
- Luks, Samantha; Salamone, Michael (2008). "Abortion". In Nathaniel Persily, Jack Citrin, Patrick J. Egan. Public Opinion and Constitutional Controversy. Oxford University Press. p. 96. ISBN 0198044054.
- Chisholm, Shirley (1970). Unbought and Unbossed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
- Self, Robert O. (2012). All in the Family: The Realignment of American Democracy Since the 1960s. Macmillan. p. 221. ISBN 1429955562.
- Henry Louis Gates, Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, ed. (2004). African American Lives. Oxford University Press. p. 447. ISBN 019988286X.
- "A Fighter for Right to Life". Ebony. Johnson Publishing. 33 (6): 88. April 1978. ISSN 0012-9011.
- McDonnell, Kathleen (2003). Not an Easy Choice: Re-Examining Abortion. Second Story Press. p. 87. ISBN 1896764657.
- Joyce, Kathryn (April 29, 2010). "Abortion as 'Black Genocide': An old scare tactic re-emerges". The Public Eye. Somerville, Massachusetts: Political Research Associates.
- Dewan, Shaila (February 25, 2010). "To Court Blacks, Foes of Abortion Make Racial Case". The New York Times. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Barry, Vincent (2011). Bioethics in a Cultural Context: Philosophy, Religion, History, Politics. Cengage Learning. p. 197. ISBN 0495814083.
- Goldberg, Michelle (March 8, 2010). "Anti-Choice Doc Aims to Link Reproductive Rights to 'Black Genocide'". Religion Dispatches.
- Carlson, Frank N. (June 2, 2010). "Anti-abortionists Accuse Knoxville Planned Parenthood of 'Black Genocide'". Metro Pulse. Knoxville, Tennessee: Scripps Interactive Newspapers Group. Archived from the original on March 1, 2011. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Margaret Sanger Papers Project (April 2010). "Smear-n-Fear". News & Sanger Sightings. New York University. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Stanek, Jill (March 28, 2011). "Breaking: New 'abortion is black genocide' Chicago billboard to feature Obama". JillStanek.com. Jill Stanek. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Terrell, Kellee (November 11, 2011). "Commentary: Herman Cain Calls Abortion Black Genocide". BET. BET Interactove. Retrieved February 18, 2013.
- Self 2012, p. 79
- Bibby, Michael (1996). Hearts and Minds: Bodies, Poetry, and Resistance in the Vietnam Era. Perspectives on the Sixties. Rutgers University Press. pp. 54–55. ISBN 0813522986.
- "African Americans in the Vietnam War". Modern American Poetry. English Department, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Retrieved March 28, 2013. As published in The Oxford Companion to American Military History (1999).
- Social History of the United States, 2008, p. 53.
- Social History of the United States, 2008, p. 54.
- "Mrs. King to Speak: Students protest 'black genocide'". Baltimore Afro-American. October 11, 1969. p. 3. Retrieved March 28, 2013.
- Al-Amin, Jamil (1969). Die Nigger Die!. Dial Press. pp. 136–138. ISBN 9781556524523.
- James, Joy A. (2013). Seeking the Beloved Community: A Feminist Race Reader. SUNY Press. pp. 269–274. ISBN 9781438446349. Originally published as "The Dead Zone: Stumbling at the Crossroads of Party Politics, Genocide and Postracial Racism" in South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 108, no. 3, Summer 2009, pp. 459–481.
- Frazier, Mansfield B. (1995). From Behind the Wall: Commentary on crime, punishment, race, and the underclass by a prison inmate. Paragon House. p. 125. ISBN 1557787069.
One factor which isn't considered is the whispered rumor which circulates in our nation's ghettos. It holds that whites are secretly engaged in a program of genocide against the black race. The fact that so many black men of child-producing age are incarcerated for crimes for which only they go to prison gives a measure of validity to this theory
- Horowitz, Irving Louis (1976). Genocide: State Power and Mass Murder (2 ed.). Transaction Publishers. pp. 52–54. ISBN 1412824443.
- James 2013, pp. 270, 277.