|Emperor of the French|
|Reign||2 December 1852 –
4 September 1870
Louis Philippe I
as King of the French
Louis Jules Trochu
as President of the Government of National Defense
|President of the French Republic|
|In office||20 December 1848 –
2 December 1852
as Chief of the Executive Power
20 April 1808|
Paris, French Empire
|Died||9 January 1873
|Burial||St Michael's Abbey, England|
|Spouse||Eugénie de Montijo|
|Issue||Louis Napoléon, Prince Imperial|
|Father||Louis I of Holland|
|Mother||Hortense de Beauharnais|
Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte (20 April 1808 – 9 January 1873) was the only President (1848–52) of the French Second Republic and, as Napoleon III, the Emperor (1852–70) of the Second French Empire. He was the nephew and heir of Napoleon I. He was the first President of France to be elected by a direct popular vote. When he was blocked by the Constitution and Parliament from running for a second term, he organized a coup d'état in 1851, and then took the throne as Napoleon III on 2 December 1852, the forty-eighth anniversary of Napoleon I's coronation. He remains the longest-serving French head of state since the French Revolution.
During the first years of the Empire, Napoleon's government imposed censorship and harsh repressive measures against his opponents. Some six thousand were imprisoned or sent to penal colonies until 1859. Thousands more, including Victor Hugo, went into voluntary exile abroad. From 1862 onwards he relaxed government censorship, and his regime came to be known as the "Liberal Empire." Many of his opponents returned to France and became members of the National Assembly.
Napoleon III is best known today for his grand reconstruction of Paris, carried out by his prefect of the Seine Baron Haussmann. He launched similar public works projects in Marseille, Lyon and other French cities.
Napoleon III modernized the French banking system, greatly expanded and consolidated the French railway system, and made the French merchant marine the second largest in the world. He promoted the building of the Suez Canal, and established modern agriculture, which ended famines in France and made France an agricultural exporter. He negotiated the 1860 Cobden–Chevalier free trade agreement with Britain, and similar agreements with France's other European trading partners. Social reforms included giving French workers the right to strike and the right to organize. Women's education greatly expanded, as did the list of required subjects in public schools.
In foreign policy, Napoleon III aimed to reassert French influence in Europe and around the world. He was a supporter of popular sovereignty, and of nationalism. In Europe, he allied with Britain and defeated Russia in the Crimean War (1854–56). His regime assisted Italian unification, and in doing so annexed Savoy and the County of Nice to France; at the same time his forces defended the Papal States against annexation by Italy. Napoleon doubled the area of the French overseas empire in Asia, the Pacific and Africa. On the other hand, his army's intervention in Mexico, which aimed to create a Second Mexican Empire under French protection, ended in failure.
Beginning in 1866 Napoleon had to face the mounting power of Prussia, as Chancellor Otto von Bismarck sought German unification under Prussian leadership. In July 1870 Napoleon entered the Franco-Prussian War without allies and with inferior military forces. The French army was rapidly defeated and Napoleon III was captured at the Battle of Sedan. The French Third Republic was proclaimed in Paris, and Napoleon went into exile in England, where he died in 1873.
- 1 Origin
- 2 Romantic revolutionary (1823–35)
- 3 Bonaparte Succession and philosophy of Bonapartism
- 4 Failed coup, and exile in London (1836–40)
- 5 Second coup, prison, escape and exile (1840–48)
- 6 1848 Revolution and birth of the Second Republic
- 7 Presidential election of 1848
- 8 Prince-President (1848–51)
- 9 Coup d'état (December 1851)
- 10 From the Second Republic to the Second Empire
- 11 Modernizing the infrastructure and the economy (1853–69)
- 12 Reconstruction of Paris (1854–70)
- 13 Search for a wife and an heir
- 14 Foreign policy (1852–60)
- 15 Overseas empire
- 16 Life at the court of Napoleon III
- 17 Arts
- 18 Social policy and reforms
- 19 Economic policy
- 20 Growing opposition and liberal concessions (1860–70)
- 21 Declining health
- 22 Rise of Prussia
- 23 Defeat in the Franco-Prussian War
- 24 Captivity, exile and death
- 25 Personal life
- 26 Policies
- 27 In film
- 28 Titles, styles, honours and arms
- 29 Ancestry
- 30 Writings by Napoleon III
- 31 See also
- 32 References
- 33 Further reading
- 34 External links
Charles-Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, later known as Louis Napoleon and then Napoleon III, was born in Paris on the night of 20–21 April 1808. His father was Louis Bonaparte, the younger brother of Napoleon Bonaparte, who made Louis the King of Holland from 1806 until 1810. His mother was Hortense de Beauharnais, the daughter by the first marriage of Napoleon's wife Joséphine de Beauharnais. As empress, Joséphine proposed the marriage as a way to produce an heir for the Emperor, who agreed, as Joséphine was by then infertile. Louis married Hortense when he was twenty-four and she was nineteen. They had a difficult relationship, and only lived together for brief periods. Their first son died in 1807, and, though separated, they decided to have a third. They resumed their marriage for a brief time in Toulouse in July 1807, and Louis was born, premature, two weeks short of nine months. Louis-Napoleon's enemies, including Victor Hugo, spread the gossip that he was the child of a different man, but most historians agree today that he was the legitimate son of Louis Bonaparte. (see Ancestry)
Charles-Louis was baptized at the Palace of Fontainebleau on 5 November 1810, with the Emperor Napoleon serving as his godfather, and the Empress Marie-Louise as his godmother. His father, once again separated from Hortense, stayed away. At the age of seven, Louis-Napoleon visited his uncle at the Tuileries Palace in Paris. His uncle held him up to the window to see the soldiers parading in the courtyard of the Carousel below. He last saw his uncle with the family at the Château de Malmaison, shortly before Napoleon departed for Waterloo.
After the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo, and the Bourbon Restoration of monarchy in France, all members of the Bonaparte dynasty were forced into exile. Hortense and Louis-Napoleon moved from Aix to Berne to Baden, and finally to a lakeside house at Arenenberg in the Swiss canton of Thurgau. He received some of his education in Germany at the gymnasium school at Augsburg, Bavaria. As a result, for the rest of his life his French had a slight, but noticeable, German accent. His tutor at home was Philippe Le Bas, an ardent republican and the son of a revolutionary and close friend of Robespierre. Le Bas taught him French history and radical politics.
Hortense de Beauharnais (1783–1837), the mother of Napoleon III, in 1808, the year Napoleon III was born.
Romantic revolutionary (1823–35)
When Louis-Napoleon was fifteen, Hortense moved to Rome, where the Bonapartes had a villa. He passed his time learning Italian, exploring the ancient ruins, and learning the arts of seduction and romantic affairs, which he used often in his later life. He became friends with the French Ambassador, François-René Chateaubriand the father of romanticism in French literature, with whom he remained in contact for many years. He was reunited with his older brother Napoléon Louis, and together they became involved with the Carbonari, secret revolutionary societies fighting Austria's domination of northern Italy. In the spring of 1831, when he was twenty-three, the Austrian and papal governments launched an offensive against the Carbonari, and the two brothers, wanted by the police, were forced to flee. During their flight Napoleon-Louis contracted measles and, on 17 March 1831, died in his brother's arms. Hortense joined her son and together they evaded the police and Austrian army and finally reached the French border.
Hortense and Louis-Napoléon travelled incognito to Paris, where the old regime had just fallen and had been replaced by the more liberal regime of King Louis-Philippe I. They arrived in Paris on 23 April 1831, and took up residence under the name "Hamilton." in the Hotel du Holland on Place Vendôme. Hortense wrote an appeal to the King, asking to stay in France, and Louis-Napoleon offered to volunteer as an ordinary soldier in the French Army. The new King agreed to meet secretly with Hortense; Louis Napoleon had a fever and did not join them. The King finally agreed that Hortense and Louis-Napoleon could stay in Paris as long as their stay was brief and incognito. Louis-Napoleon was told that he could join the French Army if he would simply change his name, something he indignantly refused to do. Hortense and Louis Napoleon remained in Paris until 5 May, the tenth anniversary of the death of Napoleon Bonaparte. The presence of Hortense and Louis-Napoleon in the hotel had become known, and a public demonstration of mourning for the Emperor took place on Place Vendôme in front of their hotel. The same day, Hortense and Louis-Napoleon were ordered to leave Paris. They went to Britain briefly, and then back into exile in Switzerland.
Bonaparte Succession and philosophy of Bonapartism
Ever since the fall of Napoleon in 1815, a Bonapartist movement existed in France, hoping to return a Bonaparte to the throne. According to the law of succession established by Napoleon I, the claim passed first to his son, who at birth had been given the title "King of Rome" by his father. Known by Bonapartists as Napoleon II, he was living under virtual imprisonment at the court of Vienna under the name Duke of Reichstadt. Next in line was Napoleon I's eldest brother Joseph Bonaparte, followed by Louis Bonaparte, but neither Joseph nor Louis had any interest in reentering public life. When the Duke of Reichstadt died in 1831, Louis-Napoléon became the heir of the dynasty and the leader of the Bonaparte cause.
In exile with his mother in Switzerland, he enrolled in the Swiss Army, trained to become an officer, and wrote a manual of artillery; his uncle Napoleon Bonaparte had become famous as an artillery officer. He also began writing about his political philosophy; In 1833, at the age of 25, he published his Rêveries politiques, or "political dreams", followed in 1834 by Considérations politiques et militaires sur la Suisse ("Political and military considerations about Switzerland"), followed in 1839 by Les Idées napoléoniennes ("Napoleonic Ideas"), a compendium of his political ideas, which was published in three editions and eventually translated in six languages. His doctrine was based upon two ideas; universal suffrage and the primacy of the national interest. He called for a "Monarchy which procures the advantages of the Republic without the inconveniences...", a regime "strong without despotism, free without anarchy, independent without conquest."
Failed coup, and exile in London (1836–40)
"I believe," Louis Napoleon wrote, "that from time to time, men are created whom I call volunteers of providence, in whose hands are placed the destiny of their countries. I believe I am one of those men. If I am wrong, I can perish uselessly. If I am right, then providence will put me into a position to fulfill my mission." He had seen the popular enthusiasm for Napoleon Bonaparte when he was in Paris, and he was convinced that, if he marched to Paris, as Napoleon Bonaparte had done in 1815 during the One Hundred Days, France would rise up and join him. He began to plan a coup against King Louis-Philippe.
He planned for his uprising to begin in Strasbourg. The colonel of a regiment was brought over to the cause. On 29 October 1836, Louis Napoleon arrived in Strasbourg, in the uniform of an officer of artillery, and rallied the regiment to his side. The prefecture was seized, and the prefect arrested. Unfortunately for Louis-Napoleon, the general commanding the garrison escaped and called in a loyal regiment, which surrounded the mutineers. The mutineers surrendered and Louis-Napoleon fled back to Switzerland.
Louis-Philippe demanded that the Swiss government return Louis-Napoleon to France, but the Swiss pointed out that he was a Swiss citizen, and refused to hand him over. Louis-Philippe responded by sending an army to the Swiss border. Louis-Napoleon thanked his Swiss hosts, and voluntarily left the country. The other mutineers were put on trial in Alsace, and were all acquitted.
Louis Napoleon traveled first to London, then to Brazil, and then to New York. He moved into a hotel, where he met the elite of New York society, and the writer Washington Irving. While he was traveling to see more of the United States, he received word that his mother was very ill. He hurried as quickly as he could back to Switzerland. He reached Arenenberg in time to be with his mother on 5 October 1837, when she died. She was finally buried in Reuil, in France, next to her mother, on 11 January 1838, but Louis-Napoleon could not attend, because he was not allowed in France.
Louis-Napoleon returned to London for a new period of exile in October 1838. He had inherited a large fortune from his mother, and took a house with seventeen servants and several of his old friends and fellow conspirators. He was received by London society and met the political and scientific leaders of the day, including Benjamin Disraeli and Michael Faraday. He also did considerable research into the economy of Britain. He strolled in Hyde Park, which he later used as a model when he created the Bois de Boulogne in Paris.
Second coup, prison, escape and exile (1840–48)
Living in the comfort of London, he had not given up the dream of returning to France to complete his destiny. In the summer of 1840 he bought weapons and uniforms and had proclamations printed, gathered a contingent of about sixty armed men, hired a ship called the Edinburgh-Castle, and on 6 August 1840, sailed across the Channel to the port of Boulogne. The attempted coup turned into an even greater fiasco than Strasbourg mutiny. The mutineers were stopped by the customs agents, the soldiers of the garrison refused to join, the mutineers were surrounded on the beach, one was killed and the others arrested. Both the British and French press heaped ridicule on Louis-Napoleon and his plot. The newspaper Le Journal des Débats wrote, "this surpasses comedy. One doesn't kill crazy people, one just locks them up." He was put on trial, where, despite an eloquent defense of his cause, he was sentenced to life in prison in the fortress of Ham in the Somme department of northern France.
The register of the fortress Ham for 7 October 1840 contained a concise description of the new prisoner: "Age: thirty-two years. Height: one meter sixty-six. Hair and eyebrows: chestnut. Eyes: Gray and small. Nose: large. Mouth: ordinary. Beard: brown. Moustache: blond. Chin: pointed. Face: oval. Complexion: pale. Head: sunken in his shoulders, and large shoulders. Back: bent. Lips: thick." He had a mistress, a young woman from the nearby town named Éléonore Vergeot, who gave birth to two of his children.
While in prison, he wrote poems, political essays, and articles on diverse topics. He contributed articles to regional newspapers and magazines in towns all over France, becoming quite well known as a writer. His most famous book was L'extinction du pauperism (1844), a study of the causes of poverty in the French industrial working class, with proposals to eliminate it. His conclusion: "The working class has nothing, it is necessary to give them ownership. They have no other wealth than their own labor, it is necessary to give them work that will benefit all....they are without organization and without connections, without rights and without a future; it is necessary to give them rights and a future and to raise them in their own eyes by association, education, and discipline." He proposed various practical ideas for creating a banking and savings system that would provide credit to the working class, and to establish agricultural colonies similar to the kibutzes later founded in Israel. This book was widely reprinted and circulated in France, and played an important part in his future electoral success.
He was busy in prison, but also unhappy and impatient. He was aware that the popularity of Napoleon Bonaparte was steadily increasing in France; the Emperor was the subject of heroic poems, books and plays. Huge crowds had gathered in Paris on 15 December 1840 when the ashes of Napoleon Bonaparte were returned with great ceremony to Paris and handed over to Louis-Napoleon's old enemy, King Louis-Philippe, while Louis Napoleon could only read about it in prison. On 25 May 1846, with the assistance of his doctor and other friends on the outside, he disguised himself as a laborer carrying lumber, and walked out of the prison. His enemies later derisively called him "Badinguet", the name of the laborer whose identity he had assumed. A carriage was waiting to take him to the coast and then by boat to England. A month after his escape, his father Louis died, making Louis-Napoleon the clear heir to the Bonaparte dynasty.
He returned to England, and quickly resumed his place in British society. He lived on King Street in St James's, went to the theatre and hunted, renewed his acquaintance with Benjamin Disraeli, and met Charles Dickens. He went back to his studies at the British Museum. He had an affair with the actress Rachel the most famous French actress of the period, during her tours to England. More important for his future career, he had an affair with the wealthy heiress Harriet Howard (1823–65). They had met in 1846, soon after his return to England. They began to live together, she took in his two illegitimate children and raised them with her own son, and she provided financing for his political plans so that, when the moment came, he could return to France.
After his escape from prison, he had a brief affair with Rachel (1823–58), the most famous French actress of the time, during her London tours.
1848 Revolution and birth of the Second Republic
In February 1848, Louis Napoleon learned that the French Revolution of 1848 had broken out, and that Louis-Philippe, faced with opposition within his government and army, had abdicated. Believing that his time had finally come, he set out for Paris on 27 February, departing England on the same day that Louis-Philippe left France for his own exile in England. When he arrived in Paris, he found that the Second Republic had been declared, led by a Provisional Government headed by a Commission led by Alphonse de Lamartine, and that different factions of republicans, from conservatives to those on the far left, were competing for power. He wrote to Lamartine announcing his arrival, saying that he "was without any other ambition than that of serving my country." Lamartine wrote back politely but firmly, asking Louis-Napoleon to leave Paris "until the city is more calm, and not before the elections for the National Assembly." His close advisors urged him to stay and try to take power, but he wanted to show his prudence and loyalty to the Republic; while his advisors remained in Paris, he returned to London on 2 March 1848, and watched events from there.
He did not run in the first elections for the National Assembly, held in April 1848, but three members of the Bonaparte family, Jérôme Napoléon Bonaparte, Pierre Napoléon Bonaparte, and Lucien Murat were elected; the name Bonaparte still had political power. In the next elections, on 4 June, where candidates could run in multiple departments, he was elected in four different departments; in Paris, he was among the top five candidates, just after the conservative leader Adolphe Thiers and Victor Hugo. His followers were mostly on the left; from the peasantry and working class. His pamphlet on "The Extinction of Pauperism" was widely circulated in Paris, and his name was cheered with those of the socialist candidates, Barbès and Louis Blanc.
The conservative leaders of the provisional government, Lamartine and Cavaignac, considered arresting him as a dangerous revolutionary, but once again he outmaneuvered them. He wrote to the President of the Provisional Government: "I believe I should wait to return to the heart of my country, so that my presence in France will not serve as a pretext to the enemies of the Republic."
In June 1848, the June Days Uprising broke out in Paris, led by the far left, against the conservative majority in the National Assembly. Hundreds of barricades appeared in the working-class neighborhoods. General Cavaignac, the leader of the army, first withdrew his soldiers from Paris to allow the insurgents to deploy their barricades, and then returned with overwhelming force to crush the uprising; from 24 to 26 June, there were battles in the streets of the working class districts of Paris. An estimated five thousand insurgents were killed at the barricades; fifteen thousand were arrested, and four thousand deported.
His absence from Paris meant that Louis Napoleon was not connected either with the uprising, or with the brutal repression that had followed. He was still in London on 17–18 September, when the elections for the National Assembly were held, but he was a candidate in thirteen departments. He was elected in five departments; in Paris, he received 110,000 votes of the 247,000 cast, the highest number of votes of any candidate. He returned to Paris on 24 September, and this time he took his place in the National Assembly. In seven months, he had gone from an political exile in London to a highly-visible place in the National Assembly, as the government finished the new Constitution and prepared for the first election ever of a President of the French Republic.
Presidential election of 1848
The new constitution of the Second Republic, drafted by a commission including Alexis de Tocqueville, called for a strong executive and a president elected by popular vote, through universal male suffrage, rather than chosen by the National Assembly. The elections were scheduled for 10–11 December 1848. Louis-Napoleon promptly announced his candidacy. There were four other candidates for the post; General Louis-Eugène Cavaignac, the Minister of Defense who had led the suppression of the June uprisings in Paris; Lamartine, the poet-philosopher and leader of the provisional government; Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, the leader of the socialists; and Raspail, the leader of the far left wing of the socialists.
Louis-Napoleon established his campaign headquarters and residence at the Hotel du Rhin on Place Vendôme. He was accompanied by his companion, Harriet Howard, who gave him a large loan to help finance his campaign. He rarely went to the sessions of the National Assembly, and rarely voted. He was not a gifted orator; he spoke slowly, in a monotone, with a slight German accent from his Swiss education. His opponents sometimes ridiculed him, one comparing him to "a turkey who believes he's an eagle."
His campaign appealed to both the left and right. His election manifesto proclaimed his support for "religion, the family, property, the eternal basis of all social order." But it also announced his intent "to give work to those unoccupied; to look out for the old age of the workers; to introduce in industrial laws those improvements which don't ruin the rich, but which bring about the well-being of each and the prosperity of all."
His campaign agents, many of them veterans from Napoleon Bonaparte's Army, raised support for him around the country. Louis-Napoleon won the grudging endorsement of the conservative leader, Adolphe Thiers, who believed he could be the most easily controlled; Thiers called him "of all the candidates, the least bad." He won the backing of L'Evenement, the newspaper of Victor Hugo, which declared, "We have confidence in him; he carries a great name." His chief opponent, General Cavaignac, expected that Louis-Napoleon would come in first, but that he would receive less than fifty percent of the vote, which would mean the election would go to the National Assembly, where Cavaignac was certain to win.
The elections were held on 10–11 December, and results announced on 20 December. Louis-Napoleon was widely expected to win, but the size of his victory surprised almost everyone. He won 5,572,834 votes, or 74.2 percent of votes cast, compared with 1,469,156 for Cavaignac. The socialist Ledru-Rollin received 376,834; the extreme left candidate Raspail received 37,106, and the poet Lamartine received only 17,000 votes. Louis-Napoleon won the support of all parts of the population: the peasants unhappy with rising prices; unemployed workers; small businessmen who wanted prosperity and order; and intellectuals such as Victor Hugo. He won the votes of 55.6 percent of all registered voters, and won in all but four of France's departments.
Louis-Napoléon moved his residence to the Élysée Palace at the end of December 1848, and immediately hung a portrait of his mother in the boudoir and a portrait of Napoléon Bonaparte, in his coronation robes, in the grand salon. Adolphe Thiers recommended that he wear clothing of "democratic simplicity," but, following the model of his uncle, he chose instead the uniform of the General-in-Chief of the Republican Guard, and chose the title of "Prince-President."
He also made his first venture into foreign policy, in Italy, where as a youth he had joined in the patriotic uprising against the Austrians. The previous government had sent an expeditionary force to Rome to help restore the temporal authority of Pope Pius IX, who was being threatened by the troops of the Italian republicans Mazzini and Garibaldi. The French troops came under fire from Garibaldi's soldiers. The Prince-President, without consulting his ministers, ordered his soldiers to fight if needed in support of the Pope. This was very popular with French Catholics, but infuriated the republicans, who supported Garibaldi. To please the radical republicans, he asked the Pope to introduce liberal reforms and the Code Napoleon to the Papal States. To please the Catholics, he approved the Loi Falloux in 1851, which restored a greater role for the Catholic Church in the French educational system.
Elections were held for the National Assembly on 13–14 May 1849, only a few months after Louis-Napoleon had become President, and were largely won by a coalition of conservative republicans—which Catholics and monarchists called "The Party of Order"—led by Adolphe Thiers. The socialists and "red" republicans, led by Ledru-Rollin and Raspail, also did well, winning two hundred seats. The moderate republicans, in the middle, did very badly, taking just 70-80 seats. The Party of Order had a clear majority, enough to block any initiatives of Louis-Napoleon.
On 11 June 1849 the socialists and radical republicans made an attempt to seize power. Ledru-Rollin, from his headquarters in the Conservatory of Arts and Professions, declared that Louis-Napoleon was no longer President and called for a general uprising. A few barricades appeared in the working-class neighborhoods of Paris. Louis-Napoleon acted swiftly, and the uprising was short-lived. Paris was declared in a state of siege, the headquarters of the uprising was surrounded, and the leaders arrested. Ledru-Rollin fled to England, Raspail was arrested and sent to prison, the republican clubs were closed, and their newspapers closed down.
The National Assembly, now without the red Republicans and determined to keep them out forever, proposed a new election law that placed restrictions on universal male suffrage, imposing a three-year residency requirement. This new law excluded 3.5 of 9 million French voters, the voters that the leader of the Party of Order, Adolphe Thiers scornfully called "the vile multitude." This new election law was passed in May 1850 by a majority of 433 to 241, putting the National Assembly on a direct collision course with the Prince-President. Louis-Napoléon broke with the Assembly and the conservative ministers opposing his projects in favour of the dispossessed. He secured the support of the army, toured the country making populist speeches that condemned the assembly, and presented himself as the protector of universal male suffrage. He demanded that the law be changed, but his proposal was defeated in the Assembly by a vote of 355 to 348.
According to the constitution of 1848, he had to step down at the end of his term, so Louis-Napoleon sought a constitutional amendment to allow him to succeed himself, arguing that four years were not enough to fully implement his political and economic program. He toured the country and gained support from many of regional governments, and the support of many within the Assembly. The vote in July 1851 was 446 to 278 in favor of changing the law and allowing him to run again, but this was just short of the two-thirds majority needed to amend the constitution.
Adolphe Thiers (1797–1877), the leader of the conservative republicans in the National Assembly, reluctantly supported Louis-Napoleon in the 1848 elections, but became his bitter opponent during the Second Republic.
François-Vincent Raspail was the leader of the left wing of the socialist deputies in the Second Republic. He led an attempt to overthrow Louis-Napoleon's government in March 1849, and was imprisoned.
Coup d'état (December 1851)
Louis-Napoleon believed that he was supported by the people, and he decided to retain power by other means. His half-brother Morny and a few close advisors began to quietly organize a coup d'état. They brought Major General Jacques Leroy de Saint Arnaud, a former captain from the French Foreign Legion and a commander of French forces in Algeria, and other officers from the French army in North Africa, to provide military backing for the coup. The date set for the coup was 2 December, the anniversary of the Battle of Austerlitz, and the anniversary of the coronation of Louis-Napoleon's uncle Napoleon I. On the night of 1–2 December, Saint Arnaud's soldiers quietly occupied the national printing office, the Palais Bourbon, newspaper offices, and the strategic points in the city. In the morning, Parisians found posters around the city announcing the dissolution of the National Assembly, the restoration of universal suffrage, new elections, and a state of siege in Paris and the surrounding departments. Sixteen members of the National Assembly were arrested in their homes. When about 220 deputies of the moderate right gathered at the city hall of the 10th arrondissement, they were also arrested. On 3 December, writer Victor Hugo and a few other republicans tried to organize an opposition to the coup. A few barricades appeared, and about 1,000 insurgents came out in the streets, but the army moved in force with 30,000 troops and the uprisings were swiftly crushed, with the killing of an estimated 300 to 400 opponents of the coup. There were also small uprisings in the more militant red republican towns in the south and center of France, but these were all put down by 10 December.
Louis-Napoleon followed the self-coup by a period of repression of his opponents, aimed mostly at the red republicans. About 26,000 people were arrested, including 4,000 in Paris alone. The 239 inmates who were judged most severely were sent to the penal colony in Cayenne. 9,530 followers were sent to Algeria, 1,500 were expelled from France, and another 3,000 were given forced residence away from their homes. Soon afterwards, a commission of revision freed 3,500 of those sentenced. In 1859 the remaining 1800 prisoners and exiles were amnestied, with the exception of the republican leader Ledru-Rollin, who was released from prison but required to leave the country.
Strict press censorship was enacted by a decree 17 February 1852. No newspaper dealing with political or social questions could be published without the permission of the government, fines were increased, and the list of press offenses was greatly expanded. After three warnings, a newspaper or journal could be suspended or even permanently closed.
Louis-Napoleon wished to demonstrate that his new government had a broad popular mandate, so on 20–21 December a national plebiscite was held asking if voters agreed to the coup. Mayors in many regions threatened to publish the names of any electors who refused to vote. When asked if they agreed to the coup, 7,439,216 voters said yes, 641,737 voted no, and 1.7 million voters abstained. The fairness and legality of the referendum was immediately questioned by Louis-Napoleon's critics, but Louis Napoleon was convinced that he had been given a public mandate to rule.
Hugo, who had originally supported Louis Napoléon but had been infuriated by the coup d'état, departed Paris for Brussels by train on 11 December 1851. He became the most bitter critic of Louis-Napoleon, rejected the amnesty offered him, and did not return to France for twenty years.
D'Allonville's cavalry patrolled Paris during Napoleon III's 1851 coup. Three to four hundred people were killed in street fighting after the coup d'état.
From the Second Republic to the Second Empire
The 1851 referendum also gave Louis Napoleon a mandate to amend the constitution. Work began on the new document in 1852. The new constitution was officially prepared by a committee of eighty experts, but was actually drafted by a small group of the Prince-President's inner circle. Under the new document, Louis-Napoleon was automatically reelected as president. Under Article Two, the president could now serve an unlimited number of 10-year terms. He alone was given the authority to declare war, sign treaties, form alliances and initiate laws. The Constitution re-established universal male suffrage, and also retained a National Assembly, but with greatly reduced authority.
Louis-Napoleon's government imposed new authoritarian measures to control dissent and reduce the power of the opposition. One of his first acts was to settle scores with his old enemy, King Louis-Philippe, who had sent him to prison for life, and who had died in 1850. A decree on 23 January 1852 forbade the late King's family to own property in France, and annulled the inheritance he had given to his children before he became King.
The National Guard, whose members had sometimes joined anti-government demonstrations, was re-organized, and largely used only in parades. Government officials were required to wear uniforms at official formal occasions. The Minister of Education was given the power to dismiss professors at the universities, and to review the content of their courses. Students at the universities were forbidden to wear beards, seen as a symbol of republicanism.
An election was held for a new National Assembly on 29 February 1852, and all the resources of the government were used on behalf of the candidates backing the Prince-President. Of eight million eligible voters, 5,200,000 votes went to the official candidates, and 800,000 to opposition candidates. About one third of the eligible voters abstained. The new assembly included a small number of opponents of Louis-Napoleon, including 17 monarchists, 18 conservatives, two liberal democrats, three republicans and 72 independents.
For all intents and purposes, Louis-Napoléon now held all governing power in the nation. Yet he was not content with being an authoritarian president. The ink had barely dried on the new constitution when he set about making himself emperor. Following the election, the Prince-President went on a triumphal national tour. In Marseille, he laid the cornerstone of a new cathedral, a new stock exchange, and a chamber of commerce. In Bordeaux, on 9 October 1852, he gave his principal speech:
"We have immense unplowed territories to cultivate; roads to open; ports to dig; rivers to be made navigable; canals to finish, a railway network to complete. We have, in front of Marseille, a vast kingdom to assimilate into France. We have all the great ports of the west to connect with the American continent by modern communications, which we still lack. We have ruins to repair, false gods to tear down, truths which we need to make triumph. This is how I see the Empire, if the Empire is re-established. These are the conquests I am considering, and you around me, who, like me, want the good of our country, you are my soldiers."
When he returned to Paris at the end of his tour, the city was decorated with large arches, with banners proclaiming "To Napoleon III, emperor". In response to officially inspired requests for the return of the empire, the Senate scheduled another referendum for 21–22 November 1852 on whether to make Napoleon emperor. After an implausible 97 percent voted in favour (7,824,129 votes for and 253,159 against, with two million abstentions), on 2 December 1852—exactly one year after the coup—the Second Republic was officially ended, replaced by the Second French Empire. President Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte became Napoleon III, Emperor of the French. His regnal name treats Napoleon II, who never actually ruled, as a true Emperor (he had been briefly recognized as emperor from 22 June to 7 July 1815). The 1851 constitution was retained, with the word "president" replaced by the word "emperor."
Modernizing the infrastructure and the economy (1853–69)
One of the first priorities of Napoleon III was the modernization of the French economy, which had fallen far behind that of the United Kingdom and some of the German states. Political economics had long been a passion of the Emperor; while in Britain he had visited factories and railway yards, and in prison he had studied and written about the sugar industry and policies to reduce poverty. He wanted the government to play an active, not a passive role in the economy; in 1839, he had written: "Government is not a necessary evil, as some people claim; it is instead the benevolent motor for the whole social organism." He did not advocate the government getting directly involved in industry. Instead, the government took a very active role in building the infrastructure for economic growth: stimulating the stock market and investment banks (to provide credit); building railways, ports, canals and roads; and providing training and education. He also opened up French markets to foreign goods, such as railway track from England, forcing French industry to become more efficient and competitive.
The period was favorable for industrial expansion. The gold rushes in California and Australia increased the European money supply. In the early years of the Empire, the economy also benefited from the coming of age of those born during the baby boom of the Restoration period. The steady rise of prices caused by the increase of the money supply encouraged company promotion and investment of capital.
Beginning in 1852, he encouraged the creation of new banks, such as Crédit Mobilier, which sold shares to the public and provided loans to both private industry and to the government. Crédit Lyonnais was founded in 1863, and Société Générale in 1864. These banks provided the funding for Napoléon III's major projects, from railway and canals to the rebuilding of Paris.
In 1851 France had only 3 500 kilometers of railway, compared with 10 000 kilometers in England and 800 kilometers in Belgium, a country twenty times smaller than France. Within days of the coup d'état Napoléon III's Minister of Public Works launched a project to build a railway line around Paris, connecting the different independent lines coming into Paris from around the country. The government provided guarantees for loans to build new lines, and urged railway companies to consolidate. There were 18 railway companies in 1848, and six at the end of the Empire. By 1870, France had 20 000 kilometers of railway, linked to the French ports and to the railway systems of the neighbouring countries, which carried over 100 million passengers a year and transported the products of France's new steel mills, mines and factories.
New shipping lines were created and ports rebuilt in Marseille and Le Havre, which connected France by sea to the USA, Latin America, North Africa and the Far East. During the Empire the number of steamships tripled, and by 1870 France possessed, after England, the second-largest maritime fleet in the world. Napoleon III backed the greatest maritime project of the age, the construction of the Suez Canal between 1859 and 1869. The canal was funded by shares on the Paris stock market, and led by a former French diplomat, Ferdinand de Lesseps. It was opened by the Empress Eugénie, with performance of Verdi's opera Aida.
The rebuilding of central Paris also encouraged commercial expansion and innovation. The first department store, Bon Marché, opened in Paris in 1852 in a modest building, and expanded rapidly, its income going from 450,000 francs a year to 20 million. Its founder, Aristide Boucicaut, commissioned a new glass and iron building, designed by Louis-Charles Boileau and Gustave Eiffel, which opened in 1869, and became the model for the modern department store. Other department stores quickly appeared; Au Printemps in 1865, and La Samaritaine in 1870. They were soon imitated around the world.
Napoleon III's program also included reclaiming farmland and reforestation. One such project in the Gironde department drained and reforested 10 000 square kilometers (3 900 square miles) of moorland, creating the Landes forest, the largest maritime pine forest in Europe.
Reconstruction of Paris (1854–70)
Napoleon III began his regime by launching a series of enormous public works projects in Paris, hiring tens of thousands of workers to improve the sanitation, water supply and traffic circulation of the city. To direct this task, he named a new Prefect of the Seine department, Georges Eugène Haussmann, and gave him extraordinary powers to rebuild the center of the city. He installed a large map of Paris in a central position in his office, and he and Haussmann planned the new Paris.
The population of Paris had doubled since 1815, with neither an increase in its area nor a development of its structure of very narrow medieval streets and alleys.
To accommodate the growing population and those who would be forced from the center by the new boulevards and squares Napoleon III planned to build, he issued in 1860 a decree annexing eleven surrounding communes (municipalities), and increasing the number of arrondissements (city boroughs) from twelve to twenty, enlarging Paris to its modern boundaries with the exception of the two major city parks (Bois de Boulogne and Bois de Vincennes) which only became part of the French capital in 1920.
For the nearly two decades of Napoleon III's reign, and for a decade afterwards, most of Paris was an enormous construction site. His hydraulic chief engineer, Eugène Belgrand, built a new aqueduct to bring clean water from the Vanne River in the Champagne region, and a new huge reservoir near the future Parc Montsouris. These two works increased the water supply of Paris from 87 000 to 400 000 cubic meters of water a day. Hundreds of kilometers of pipes distributed the water throughout the city, and a second network, using the less-clean water from the Ourq and the Seine, washed the streets and watered the new park and gardens. He completely rebuilt the Paris sewers, and installed miles of pipes to distribute gas for thousands of new streetlights along the Paris streets.
Beginning in 1854, In the center of the city, Haussmann's workers tore down hundreds of old buildings and cut new avenues, connecting the central points of the city. Buildings along these avenues were required to be the same height and in a similar style, and to be faced with cream-coloured stone, creating the signature look of Paris boulevards.
Napoleon III built two new railway stations: the Gare de Lyon (1855) and the Gare du Nord (1865). He completed Les Halles, the great cast iron and glass pavilioned produce market in the center of the city, and built a new municipal hospital, the Hôtel-Dieu, in the place of crumbling medieval buildings on the Ile de la Cité. The signature architectural landmark was the Paris Opera, the largest theater in the world, designed by Charles Garnier, crowning the center of Napoleon III's new Paris.
Napoleon III also wanted to build new parks and gardens for the recreation and relaxation of the Parisians, particularly those in the new neighbourhoods of the expanding city.
Napoleon III's new parks were inspired by his memories of the parks in London, especially Hyde Park, where he had strolled and promenaded in a carriage while in exile; but he wanted to build on a much larger scale. Working with Haussmann and Jean-Charles Alphand, the engineer who headed the new Service of Promenades and Plantations, he laid out a plan for four major parks at the cardinal points of the compass around the city. Thousands of workers and gardeners began to dig lakes, build cascades, plant lawns, flowerbeds and trees. construct chalets and grottoes. Napoleon III transformed the Bois de Boulogne into a parc (1852–58) to the west of Paris: the Bois de Vincennes (1860–65) to the east; he created the Parc des Buttes-Chaumont (1865–67) to the north, and the Parc Montsouris (1865–78) to the south.
In addition to building the four large parks, Napoleon had the city's older parks, including Parc Monceau, formerly owned by the Orléans family, and the superb Jardin du Luxembourg, refurbished and replanted. He also created some twenty small parks and gardens in the neighbourhoods, as miniature versions of his large parks. Alphand termed these small parks "Green and flowering salons." The intention of Napoleon's plan was to have one park in each of the eighty "quartiers" (neighbourhoods) of Paris, so that no one was more than a ten-minute's walk from such a park. The parks were an immediate success with all classes of Parisians.
Baron Haussmann and Napoleon III make official the annexation of eleven communes around Paris to the City. The annexation increased the size of the city from twelve to the present twenty arrondissements.
The Bois de Boulogne, transformed by Napoleon III between 1852 and 1858, was designed to give a place for relaxation and recreation to all the classes of Paris.
Search for a wife and an heir
Soon after becoming Emperor, Napoleon III began searching for a wife to give him an heir. He was still attached to his companion Harriet Howard, who attended receptions at the Élysée Palace and traveled around France with him. He quietly sent a diplomatic delegation to approach the family of princess Carola of Vasa, the granddaughter of deposed king Gustav IV Adolf of Sweden. They declined because of his Catholic religion and the political uncertainty about his future, as did the family of Princess Adelheid of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, a niece of Queen Victoria.
Finally Louis-Napoleon announced that he found the right woman: Eugénie du Derje de Montijo, age 23, 16th Countess of Teba and 15th Marquise of Ardales. Her maternal grandfather, William Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, was a Scottish wine merchant. She received much of her education in Paris. Her beauty attracted Louis-Napoleon, who, as was his custom, tried to seduce her, but Eugénie told him to wait for marriage. The civil ceremony took place at Tuileries Palace on 22 January 1853, and a much grander ceremony was held a few days later at Cathedral of Notre Dame de Paris. In 1856, Eugénie gave birth to a son and heir-apparent, Napoléon, Prince Imperial.
Safe with an heir, Napoleon III resumed his "petites distractions" with other women. Eugénie faithfully performed the duties of an Empress, entertaining guests and accompanying the Emperor to balls, opera, and theater. She traveled to Egypt to open the Suez Canal and officially represented him whenever he traveled outside France.
Though a fervent Catholic and conservative on many other issues, she strongly advocated equality for women. She pressured the Ministry of National Education to give the first baccalaureate diploma to a woman and tried unsuccessfully to induce the Académie française to elect the writer George Sand as its first female member.
Foreign policy (1852–60)
In foreign policy, Napoleon III aimed to reassert French influence in Europe and around the world. He was a supporter of popular sovereignty, and of nationalism. In Europe, he allied with Britain and defeated Russia in the Crimean War (1854–56). French troops assisted Italian unification by fighting on the side of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia. In return, in 1860 France received Savoy and the county of Nice. Later, however, to please fervent French Catholics, he sent soldiers to defend the residual Papal States against annexation by Italy.
Principle of nationalities
In a speech at Bordeaux shortly after becoming Emperor, Napoleon III proclaimed that "The Empire means peace" ("L'Empire, c'est la paix"), reassuring foreign governments that he would not attack other European powers in order to extend the French Empire. He was, however, determined to follow a strong foreign policy to extend France's influence, and warned that he would not stand by and allow another European power to threaten its neighbour.
He was also, at the beginning of his reign, an advocate of a new "principle of nationalities" (principe des nationalités), supporting the creation of new states based on nationality, such as Italy, in place of the old multinational empires, such as the Habsburg Monarchy (Empire of Austria; since 1867 Austria-Hungary). In this he was influenced by his uncle's policy, as described in the Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène. In all of his foreign policy ventures, he put the interests of France first. These new states, Napoleon III felt, would become natural allies and partners of France.
Alliance with Britain and the Crimean War (1853–56)
From the beginning of the Empire Napoleon III sought an alliance with Britain; he had lived there in exile, and saw Britain as a natural partner in the projects he wanted to accomplish. He soon had an opportunity; in early 1853, Czar Nicholas I of Russia put pressure on the weak Turkish government, demanding that Turkey give Russia a protectorate over the Christian countries of the Balkans as well as control over Constantinople and the Dardanelles. Turkey, backed by Britain and France, refused the Russian demands. A joint British-French fleet was sent to support Turkey. When Russia refused to leave the Romanian territories it had occupied, on 27 March 1854 Britain and France declared war.
It took France and Britain six months to organize a full-scale military expedition to the Black Sea. The Anglo-French fleet landed thirty thousand French and twenty thousand British soldiers in the Crimea on 14 September, and began to lay siege to the major Russian port of Sevastopol. As the siege dragged on, the French and British armies were reinforced, and troops from the Kingdom of Sardinia joined them, reaching a total of 140 000 soldiers, but they suffered terribly from epidemics of typhus, dysentery and cholera. During the 332 days of the siege, the French lost 95 000 soldiers, 75 000 to disease. The suffering of the army in the Crimea was carefully concealed from the French public by press censorship.
The death of Czar Nicholas I on 2 March 1855, and his replacement by Alexander II, changed the political equation. In September, after a massive bombardment, the Anglo-French army of fifty thousand men stormed the Russian positions, and the Russians were forced to evacuate Sevastopol. Alexander II sought a political solution, and negotiations were held in Paris in the new building of the French Foreign Ministry on the Quai d'Orsay, from 25 February to 8 April 1856.
The Crimean War added three new place names to Paris; Alma, named for the first French victory on the river of that name, Sevastopol, and Malakoff, named for a tower in the center of the Russian line captured by the French. It had two important diplomatic consequences; Alexander II became an ally of France, and Britain and France were reconciled. In April 1855 Napoleon III and Eugénie went to England and were received by the Queen; in turn Victoria visited Paris, the first English monarch to do so in centuries.
The defeat of Russia and the alliance with Britain gave France increased authority and prestige in Europe. This was the first war between European powers since the close of the Napoleonic Wars and the Congress of Vienna, marking a breakdown of the alliance system that had maintained peace for nearly half a century. The war also effectively ended the Concert of Europe and the Quadruple Alliance, or "Waterloo Coalition" that the other four powers had established. The Paris Peace Conference of 1856 represented a high-water mark for the regime in foreign affairs. It encouraged Napoleon III to make an even bolder foreign policy venture in Italy.
On the evening of 14 January 1858, he and the Empress escaped an assassination attempt unharmed. A group of conspirators threw three bombs at the royal carriage as it made its way to the opera. Eight members of the escort and bystanders were killed and over one hundred people injured. The culprits were quickly arrested. The leader was an Italian nationalist, Felice Orsini, who was aided by a French surgeon Simon Bernard. They believed that, if Napoleon III were killed, a republican revolt would immediately follow in France, and the new republican government would help all Italian states win independence from Austria and achieve national unification. Bernard was in London, where, since he was a political exile, the British government refused to extradite him, but Orsini was tried, convicted and executed on 13 March 1858. The bombing focused the attention of France, and particularly of Napoleon III, on the issue of Italian nationalism.
Part of Italy, particularly the kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia (officially "Kingdom of Sardinia"), was independent, but Central Italy was still ruled by the Pope and Lombardy, Venice and much of the north was ruled by Austria. Other states were de jure independent (e.g. the Duchy of Parma or the Grand Duchy of Tuscany) but de facto totally under Austrian influence. Napoleon III had fought with the Italian patriots against the Austrians when he was young, and his sympathy was with them, but the Empress, most of his government and the Catholic Church in France supported the Pope and the existing governments. The British Government was also hostile to the idea of promoting nationalism in Italy. Despite the opposition in his government and in his own palace, Napoleon III did all that he could to support the cause of Piedmont-Sardinia. The King of Piedmont-Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel II, was invited to Paris in November 1855, and given the same royal treatment as Queen Victoria.
Count Cavour, the Prime Minister of Piedmont-Sardinia, came to Paris with the King and employed an unusual emissary in his efforts to win the support of Napoleon III. He brought his beautiful young cousin, Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione (1837–99), to Paris to meet the Emperor. As Cavour had hoped, she caught his eye and became his mistress. Between 1855 and 1857, she used the opportunity to pass messages and to plead the Italian cause.
In July 1858, Napoleon arranged a secret visit by Count Cavour. They agreed to join forces and drive the Austrians from Italy. In exchange, Napoleon III asked for Savoy (the ancestral land of the King of Piedmont-Sardinia) and the then bilingual county of Nice, which had been taken from France after Napoleon's fall in 1815 and given to Piedmont-Sardinia. Cavour protested that Nice was Italian, but Napoleon responded that "these are secondary questions. There will be time later to discuss them."
Assured of the support of Napoleon III, Count Cavour began to prepare the army of Piedmont-Sardinia for war against Austria. Napoleon III looked for diplomatic support. He approached Lord Derby, the Prime Minister and the British Government; Britain was against the war, but agreed to remain neutral. Still facing strong opposition within his own government, In the spring of 1858 Napoleon III offered to negotiate a diplomatic solution with the twenty-eight-year-old Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria, but the Austrians demanded the disarmament of Piedmont-Sardinia first, and sent a fleet with thirty thousand soldiers to reinforce their garrisons in Italy. Napoleon III responded on 26 January 1859 by signing a treaty of alliance with Piedmont-Sardinia; Napoleon promised to send two hundred thousand soldiers to help one hundred thousand soldiers from Piedmont-Sardinia to force the Austrians out of northern Italy; in return France would receive the county of Nice and Savoy provided that their populations would agree in a referendum.
It was the Emperor Franz Joseph, growing impatient, who finally unleashed the war. On 23 April 1859 he sent an ultimatum to the government of Piedmont-Sardinia demanding that they stop their military preparations and disband their army. On 26 April Count Cavour rejected the demands, and on 27 April the Austrian army invaded Piedmont.
War in Italy – Magenta and Solferino (1859)
Napoleon III, though he had very little military experience, decided to lead the French army in Italy himself. Part of the French army crossed over the Alps, while the other part, with the Emperor, landed in Genes (Genoa) on 18 May 1859. Fortunately for Napoleon and the Piedmontese, the commander of the Austrians, General Giulay, was not very aggressive. His forces greatly outnumbered the Piedmontese army at Turin, but he hesitated, allowing the French and Piedmontese to unite their forces.
Napoleon III wisely left the fighting to his professional generals. The first great battle of the war, on 4 June 1859, was fought at the town of Magenta. It was long and bloody, and the French center was exhausted and nearly broken, but the battle was finally won by a timely attack on the Austrian flank by the soldiers of General MacMahon. The Austrians had seven thousand men killed and five thousand captured, while the French forces had four thousand men killed. The battle was largely remembered because, soon after it was fought, patriotic chemists in France gave the name of the battle to their newly discovered bright purple chemical dye; the dye and the colour took the name magenta.
The rest of the Austrian Army was able to escape while Napoleon III and King Victor-Emmanuel made a triumphal entry on 10 June into the city of Milan, previously ruled by the Austrians. They were greeted by huge, jubilant crowds waving Italian and French flags.
The Austrians had been driven from Lombardy, but the army of General Giulay remained in the region of Venice. His army had been reinforced and numbered 250,000 men, slightly more than the French and Piedmontese. On 24 June, the second and decisive battle was fought at Solferino. This battle was even longer and bloodier than Magenta; in a long series of bayonet charges against the Austrian line, forty thousand men died, including 17 500 French soldiers. Napoleon III was horrified by the thousands of dead and wounded on the battlefield. He proposed an armistice to the Austrians, which was accepted on 8 July. A formal treaty ending the war was signed on 11 November 1859.
Count Cavour and the Piedmontese were bitterly disappointed by the abrupt end of the war. Lombardy had been freed, but Venetia (the Venice region) was still controlled by the Austrians, and the Pope was still the ruler of Rome and Central Italy. Cavour angrily resigned his post. Napoleon III returned to Paris on 17 July, and a huge parade and celebration were held on 14 August, in front of the Vendôme column, the symbol of the glory of Napoleon I. Napoleon III celebrated the day by granting a general amnesty to the political prisoners and exiles he had chased from France.
In Italy, even without the French army, the process of Italian unification launched by Cavour and Napoleon III took on a momentum of its own. There were uprisings in central Italy and the Papal states, and Italian patriots, led by Garibaldi, invaded and took over Sicily which would lead to the collapse of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Napoleon III wrote to the Pope and suggested that he "make the sacrifice of your provinces in revolt and confide them to Victor-Emmanuel." The Pope, furious, declared in a public address that Napoleon III was a "liar and a cheat". Rome and the surrounding Latium region (in Italian: Lazio) remained in Papal hands, and therefore did not immediately become the capital of the newly created Kingdom of Italy, and Venetia was still occupied, but the rest of Italy had come under the rule of Victor Emmanuel.
As Cavour had promised, Savoy and the county of Nice were both returned to France in 1860, after a popular referendum; in Nice, 25,734 voted for union with France, just 260 against. On 18 February 1861, the first Italian parliament met in Turin, and on 23 March, Victor-Emmanuel was proclaimed King of Italy. Count Cavour died a few weeks later, declaring that "Italy is made."
Napoleon's support for the Italian patriots and his confrontation with Pope Pius IX over who would govern Rome made him unpopular with fervent French Catholics, and even with Empress Eugénie, who was a fervent Catholic. To win over the French Catholics and his wife, he agreed to guarantee that Rome would remain under the Pope and independent from the rest of Italy, and agreed to keep French troops there. The capital of Italy became Turin (in 1861) then Florence (in 1865), not Rome. However, in 1862, Garibaldi gathered an army to march on Rome, under the slogan, "Rome or death." To avoid a confrontation between Garibaldi and the French soldiers, the Italian government arrested Garibaldi and put him in prison. Napoleon III sought but was unable to find a diplomatic solution that would allow him to withdraw French troops from Rome, while guaranteeing that the city would remain under Papal control.
Garibaldi made another attempt to capture Rome in November 1867 but was defeated by the French and Papal troops near the town of Mentana on 3 November 1867.
The garrison of eight thousand French troops remained in Rome until August 1870, when they were recalled at the start of the Franco-Prussian War. In September 1870, Garibaldi's soldiers finally entered Rome and made it the capital of Italy.
After the successful conclusion of the Italian campaign, and the joining of Savoy and Nice to the territory of France, the Continental foreign policy of Napoleon III entered a calmer period. Expeditions to distant corners of the world and the expansion of the Empire replaced major changes in the map of Europe. The Emperor's health declined; he gained weight, he began to dye his hair to cover the gray, he walked slowly because of gout, and in 1864, at the military camp of Châlons-en-Champagne, he suffered the first medical crisis from his gallstones, the ailment that would kill him nine years later. He was less engaged in governing and less attentive to detail, but still sought opportunities to increase French commerce and prestige globally.
In 1862, Napoleon III sent troops to Mexico in an effort to establish an allied monarchy in the Americas, with Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian of Austria enthroned as Emperor Maximilian I. However, the Second Mexican Empire faced resistance from the republican government of President Benito Juárez. After victory in the American Civil War in 1865, the United States made clear that France would have to leave. It sent 50,000 troops under General William Tecumseh Sherman to the U.S.-Mexico border, and helped resupply Juárez. Napoleon was stretched very thin; he had committed 40,000 troops to Mexico, 20,000 to Rome to guard the Pope against the Italians, and another 80,000 in restive Algeria. Furthermore, Prussia, having just defeated Austria, was an imminent threat. Napoleon realized his predicament and withdrew his troops from Mexico in 1866. Maximilian was overthrown and executed.
In southeast Asia Napoleon III was more successful in establishing control one slice at a time. He took over Cochinchina (the southernmost part of modern Vietnam, including Saigon) in 1862, as well as a protectorate over Cambodia in 1863. Additionally, France had a sphere of influence during the 19th century and early 20th century in southern China, including a naval base at Kuangchow Bay (Guangzhouwan).
Life at the court of Napoleon III
Following the model of the Kings of France and of his uncle, Napoleon Bonaparte, Napoleon III moved his official residence to the Tuileries Palace, where he had a suite of rooms on the ground floor of the south wing between the Seine and the "Pavillon de l'Horloge" (Clock pavilion), facing the garden.
The word Tuilerie, plural Tuileries, means Brickworks or Tile-making works. The Palace was given that name because the neighbourhood in which it had been build in 1564 was previously known for its numerous mason and tiler businesses.
Napoleon III's bedroom was decorated with a talisman from Charlemagne, a symbol of good luck for the Bonaparte family, while his office featured a portrait of Julius Caesar by Ingres, and a large map of Paris, which he used to show his ideas for the reconstruction of Paris to his prefect of the Seine department, Baron Haussmann. The Emperor's rooms were overheated and were filled with smoke, as he smoked cigarette after cigarette. The Empress occupied a suite of rooms just above his, highly decorated in the style of Louis XVI with a pink salon, a green salon and a blue salon.
The court moved with the Emperor and Empress from palace to palace each year following a regular calendar. At the beginning of May, the Emperor and court moved to the Château de Saint-Cloud, for outdoor activities in the park. In June and July, they moved with selected guests to the Palace of Fontainebleau, for walks in the forest, and boating on the lake. In July, the court moved to a thermal bath for a health cure; first to Plombières, then to Vichy, then, after 1856, to the military camp and residence he had built at Châlons-sur-Marne (nowadays: Châlons-en-Champagne) where he could take the waters and review military parades and exercises. Beginning in 1856, the Emperor and Empress spent each September in Biarritz in the Villa Eugenie, a large villa overlooking the sea. They would walk on the beach or travel to the mountains, and in the evenings they would dance and sing and play cards and take part in other games and amateur theatricals and charades with their guests. In November the court moved to the Château de Compiègne, for forest excursions, dancing and more games. Famous scientists and artists, such as Louis Pasteur, Gustave Flaubert, Eugène Delacroix and Giuseppe Verdi, were invited to participate in the festivities at Compiègne.
At the end of the year the Emperor and Court returned to the Tuileries Palace, and gave a series of formal receptions, and three or four grand balls, with six hundred guests, early in the new year. Visiting dignitaries and monarchs were frequent guests. During carnival there were a series of very elaborate costume balls, on the themes of different countries and different historical periods, for which guests sometimes spent small fortunes on their costumes.
Napoleon III had conservative and traditional taste in art: his favourite painters were Alexandre Cabanel and Franz Xaver Winterhalter, who received major commissions, and whose work was purchased for state museums. At the same time, he followed public opinion, and he made an important contribution to the French avant-garde. In 1863, the jury of the Paris Salon, the famous annual showcase of French painting, headed by the ultra-conservative director of the Academy of Fine Arts, the Comte de Nieuwerkerke, refused all submissions by avant-garde artists, including those by Édouard Manet, Camille Pissaro and Johan Jongkind. The artists and their friends complained, and the complaints reached Napoleon III. His office issued a statement: "Numerous complaints have come to the Emperor on the subject of the works of art which were refused by the jury of the Exposition. His Majesty, wishing to let the public judge the legitimacy of these complaints, has decided that the works of art which were refused should be displayed in another part of the Palace of Industry."
Following Napoleon's decree, an exhibit of the rejected paintings, called the Salon des Refusés , was held in another part of the Palace of Industry, where the Salon took place. More than a thousand visitors a day came to see now-famous paintings as Édouard Manet's Déjeuner sur l'herbe and James McNeill Whistler's Symphony in White, No. 1: The White Girl. ' The journalist Émile Zola reported that visitors pushed to get into the crowded galeries where the refused paintings were hung, and the rooms were full of the laughter and mocking comments of many of the spectators. While the paintings were ridiculed by many critics and visitors, the work of the avant-garde became known for the first time to the French public, and it took its place alongside the more traditional style of painting.
Napoleon III also began or completed the restoration of several important historic landmarks, carried out for him by Eugène Viollet-le-Duc. He restored the flèche, or spire, of the Cathedral of Notre-Dame de Paris, which had been partially destroyed and desecrated during the French Revolution. In 1855 he completed the restoration, begun in 1845, of the stained glass windows of the Sainte-Chapelle, and in 1862 he declared it a national historical monument. In 1853, he approved and provided funding for Viollet-le-Duc's restoration of the medieval town of Carcassonne. He also sponsored Viollet-le-Duc's restoration of the Château de Vincennes and the Château de Pierrefonds, In 1862, he closed the prison which had occupied the Abbey of Mont-Saint-Michel since the French Revolution, where many important political prisoners had been held, so it could be restored and opened to the public.
Social policy and reforms
From the beginning of his reign Napoleon III launched a series of social reforms aimed at improving the life of the working class. He began with small projects, such as opening up two clinics in Paris for sick and injured workers, a program of legal assistance to those unable to afford it, and subsidies to companies which built low-cost housing for their workers. He outlawed the practice of employers taking possession of or making comments in the work document that every employee was required to carry; negative comments meant that workers were unable to get other jobs. In 1866, he encouraged the creation of a state insurance fund to help workers or peasants who became disabled, and to help their widows and families.
To help the working class, Napoleon III offered a prize to anyone who could develop an inexpensive substitute for butter; the prize was won by the French chemist Hippolyte Mège-Mouriès, who in 1869 patented a product he named oleomargarine, later shortened to simply margarine.
Rights to strike and organize (1864–66)
His most important social reform was the 1864 law which gave French workers the right to strike, which had been forbidden since 1810. In 1866 he added to this an "Edict of Tolerance," which gave factory workers the right to organize. He issued a decree regulating the treatment of apprentices, limited working hours on Sundays and holidays, and removed from the Napoleonic Code the infamous article 1781, which said that the declaration of the employer, even without proof, would be given more weight by the court than the word of the employee.
Education for girls and women, and school reform (1861–69)
Napoleon III and the Empress Eugénie worked to give girls and women greater access to public education. In 1861, through the direct intervention of the Emperor and the Empress, Julie-Victoire Daubié became the first woman in France to receive baccalauréat diploma. In 1862, the first professional school for young women was opened, and Madeleine Brès became the first woman to enroll in the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Paris.
In 1863, he made Victor Duruy, the son of a factory worker and a respected historian, his new Minister of Public Education. Duruy greatly accelerated the pace of the reforms, often coming into conflict with the Catholic church, which wanted the leading role in education. Despite the opposition of the church, Duruy opened schools for girls in each commune with more than five hundred residents, a total of eight hundred new schools.
Between 1863 and 1869, Duruy created scholastic libraries for fifteen thousand schools, and required that primary schools offer courses in history and geography. Secondary schools began to teach philosophy, which had been banned by the previous regime at the request of the Catholic church. For the first time public schools in France began to teach contemporary history, modern languages, art, gymnastics and music. The results of the school reforms were dramatic: in 1852, over 40 percent of army conscripts in France were unable to read or write. By 1869, the number had dropped to 25 percent. The rate of illiteracy among both girls and boys dropped to 32 percent. 
At the university level, Napoleon III founded new faculties in Marseille, Douai, Nancy, Clermont-Ferrand and Poitiers, and founded a network of research institutes of higher studies in the sciences, history, and economics. These also were criticized by the Catholic Church. The Cardinal-Archbishop of Rouen, Monseigneur Bonnechose, wrote: "True science is religious, while false science, on the other hand, is vain and prideful; being unable to explain God, it rebels against him."
Lower tariffs and the opening of French markets (1860)
One of the centerpieces of the economic policy of Napoleon III was the lowering of tariffs and the opening of French markets to imported goods. He had been in Britain in 1846 when Prime Minister Robert Peel had lowered tariffs on imported grains, and he had seen the benefits to British consumers and the British economy. However, he faced bitter opposition from many French industrialists and farmers, who feared British competition. Convinced he was right, he sent his chief economic advisor, Michel Chevalier, to London to begin discussions, and secretly negotiated a new commercial agreement with Britain, calling for the gradual lowering of tariffs in both countries. He signed the treaty, without consulting with the Assembly, on 23 January 1860. Four hundred of the top industrialists in France came to Paris to protest, but he refused to yield. Industrial tariffs on such products as steel rails for railways were lowered first; tariffs on grains were not lowered until June 1861. Similar agreements were negotiated with the Netherlands, Italy, and France's other neighbors. France's industries were forced to modernize and become more efficient to compete with the British, as Napoleon III had intended. Commerce between the countries surged.
By the 1860s, the huge state investment in railways, infrastructure and fiscal policies of Napoleon III had brought dramatic changes to the French economy and French society. French people travelled in greater numbers, more often and farther than they had ever travelled before. The opening of the first public school libraries by Napoleon III and the opening by Louis Hachette of the first bookstores in Napoleon's new train stations led to the wider circulation of books around France.
During the Empire industrial production increased by 73 percent, growing twice as rapidly but still in second place to Britain. From 1850 to 1857, the French economy grew at a pace of five percent a year, and exports grew by sixty percent between 1855 and 1869.
French agricultural production increased by sixty percent, spurred by new farming techniques taught at the agricultural schools started in each Department by Napoleon III, and new markets opened by the railways. The threat of famine, which for centuries had haunted the French countryside, receded. The last recorded famine in France was in 1855.
During the Empire, the migration of the rural population to the cities increased. The portion of the population active in agriculture dropped from 61 percent in 1851 to 54 percent in 1870.
The average salary of French workers grew by 45 percent during the Second Empire, but only kept up with price inflation. On the other hand, more French people than ever were able to save money; the number of bank accounts grew from 742 889 in 1852 to 2 079 141 in 1870.
Growing opposition and liberal concessions (1860–70)
Despite the economic progress the country had made, domestic opposition to Napoleon III was slowly growing, particularly in the Corps législatif (Parliament). The republicans on the left had always opposed him, believing he had usurped power and suppressed the Republic. The conservative Catholics were increasingly unhappy, because he had taken away most of the Papal States from the Pope, and because he had built up the public education system, which was a rival to the Catholic system. Many businessmen, particularly in the metallurgical and textile industries, were unhappy, because he had reduced the tariffs on British products, putting the British products in direct competition with their own. The members of Parliament were particularly unhappy with him for dealing with them only when he needed money. When he had liberalized trade with England, he had not even consulted them.
Napoleon's large-scale program of public works, and his expensive foreign policy, had created rapidly mounting government debts; the annual deficit was about 100 million gold-francs, and the cumulative debt had reached nearly 1000 million gold-francs (1billion in US readings). The Emperor needed to restore the confidence of the business world, and to involve the legislature and have them share responsibility.
On 24 December 1861, Napoleon III, against the opposition of his own ministers, issued a decree announcing that the legislature would have greater powers. The Senate and the assembly could, for the first time, give a response to the Emperor's program, ministers were obliged to defend their programs before the assembly, and the right of Deputies to amend the programs was enlarged. On 1 February 1861, further reforms were announced: Deputies could speak from the tribune, not just from their seats, and a stenographic record would be made and published of each session. Another even more important reform was announced on 31 December 1861: the budget of each ministry would be voted section by section, not in a block, and the government could no longer spend money by special decree when the legislature was not in session. He did retain the right to change the budget estimates section by section.
The Deputies quickly took advantage of their new rights; the Emperor's Italian policy was bitterly condemned in Parliament, and anti-government amendments by the pro-Catholic deputies were narrowly defeated by votes of 158 to 91 in the Corps législatif and 79 to 61 in the Senate.
In the legislative elections of 31 May 1863, the pro-government candidates received 5 308 000 votes, while the opposition received 1 954 000 votes, three times more than in the previous elections. The rural departments still voted for Napoleon III's candidates, but in Paris 63 percent of the votes went to anti-government republican candidates, with similar numbers in all the large cities. The new assembly contained a large opposition block ranging from Catholics outraged by the Papal policies to Legitimists, Orleanists, protectionists and republicans, armed with new powers given to them by the Emperor himself.
Despite the opposition in the legislature, Napoleon III's reforms remained popular in the rest of the country. A new plebiscite was held in 1870, on the text: "The people approve the liberal reforms added to the Constitution since 1860 by the Emperor, with the agreement of the legislative bodies and ratified by the Senate on April 20, 1870." Napoleon III saw this as a referendum on his rule as Emperor: "By voting yes," he wrote, "you will chase away the threat of revolution; you will place the nation on a solid base of order and liberty, and you will make it easier to pass on the Crown to my son." When the votes were counted, Napoleon III had lost Paris and the other big cities but decisively won the rest of the country. The final vote was 7 336 434 votes yes, 1 560 709 votes no, and 1 900 000 abstentions. Léon Gambetta, the leader of the republican opposition, wrote in despair, "We were crushed. The Emperor is more popular than ever."
Ten centime coin, 1855
Through the 1860s, the health of the Emperor steadily worsened. It had been damaged by his six years in prison at Ham; he had chronic pains in his legs and feet, particularly when it was cold, and as a result, he always lived and worked in overheated rooms and offices. He smoked cigarette after cigarette. He distrusted doctors and disregarded medical advice, and attributed any problems simply to "rheumatism", for which he regularly visited the hot springs at Vichy and other spas. It became difficult for him to ride a horse, and he was obliged to walk slowly, often with a cane. From 1869 onwards, the crises of his urinary tract were treated with opium, which made him seem lethargic, sleepy and apathetic. His writing became hard to read, and his voice weak. In the spring of 1870 he was visited by an old friend from England, Lord Malmesbury. Malmesbury found him to be "terribly changed and very ill."
The health problems of the Emperor were kept secret by the government, which feared that, if his condition became public, the opposition would demand his resignation. One newspaper, the Courrier de la Vienne, was warned by the censors to stop publishing articles which had "a clear and malicious intent to spread, contrary to the truth, alarms about the health of the Emperor."
At the end of June 1870, a specialist in the problems of urinary tracts, Germain Sée was finally summoned to examine him. Sée reported that the Emperor was suffering from a gallstone. On 2 July, four eminent French doctors, Nélaton, Ricord, Fauvel and Corvisart, examined him and confirmed the diagnosis. They were reluctant to operate, however, because of the high risk (gallstone operations did not become relatively safe until the 1880s) and because of the Emperor's weakness. Before anything further could be done, however, France was in the middle of a diplomatic crisis.
Rise of Prussia
In the 1860s, a new rival to French power in Europe appeared on the horizon; Prussia, and its chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, who had ambitions for Prussia to lead a unified Germany. In May 1862, Bismarck came to Paris on a diplomatic mission and met Napoleon III for the first time. They had cordial relations. On 30 September 1862, however, in Munich, Bismarck declared, in a famous speech: "It is not by speeches and votes of the majority that the great questions of our period will be settled, as one believed in 1848, but by iron and blood." Bismarck saw Austria and France as the main obstacles to his ambitions, and set out to divide and defeat them.
Search for allies, and war between Austria and Prussia
In the summer of 1865, when the German Confederation invaded and occupied the German-speaking provinces of Denmark (Holstein and Slesvig/Schleswig), Napoleon III recognized the threat that a unified Germany would pose to France, and he looked for allies to challenge it, without success.
The British government was suspicious that Napoleon wanted to take over Belgium and Luxembourg, felt secure with its powerful navy, and did not want any military engagements on the European continent at the side of the French.
The Russian government was also suspicious of Napoleon, whom it believed had encouraged Polish nationalists to rebel against Russian rule. Bismarck and Prussia, on the other hand, had offered assistance to Russia to help crush the Polish patriots.
In October 1865, Napoleon had a cordial meeting with Bismarck at Biarritz. They discussed Veneto (Venetia), Austria's remaining province in Italy. Bismarck told Napoleon that Germany had no secret arrangement to give Veneto to Italy, and Napoleon assured him in turn that France had no secret under-standing with Austria. Bismarck hinted vaguely that, in the event of a war between Austria and Prussia, French neutrality would be rewarded with some sort of territory as a compensation. Napoleon III had Luxembourg in mind.
In 1866, relations between Austria and Prussia worsened and Bismarck demanded the expulsion of Austria from the German confederation. Napoleon and his foreign minister, Drouyn de Lhuys, expected a long war and an eventual Austrian victory. Napoleon III felt he could extract a price from both Prussia and Austria for French neutrality. On 12 June 1866, France signed a secret treaty with Austria, guaranteeing French neutrality in a Prussian-Austrian war. In exchange, in the event of an Austrian victory, Austria would give Veneto to France, and also would create a new independent German state on the Rhine, which would become an ally of France. At the same time, Napoleon proposed a secret treaty with Bismarck, promising that France would remain neutral in a war between Austria and Prussia. In the event of a Prussian victory, France would recognize Prussia's annexation of smaller German states, and France, in exchange, would receive a portion of German territory, the Palatinate region north of Alsatia. Bismarck, rightly confident of success due to the modernization of the Prussian Army, summarily rejected Napoleon's offer.
On 15 June, the Prussian Army invaded Saxony, an ally of Austria. On 2 July, Austria asked Napoleon to arrange an armistice between Italy, which had allied itself with Prussia, and Austria, in exchange for which France would receive the Veneto Region. But on 3 July, the Prussian army crushed the Austrian army at the Battle of Sadowa, in Bohemia. The way to Vienna was open for the Prussians, and Austria asked for an armistice. The armistice was signed on 22 July; Prussia annexed the kingdom of Hannover, the Electorate of Hesse-Kassel, the Duchy of Nassau and the Free City of Frankfurt on the Main, with a combined population of four million people.
The Austrian defeat was followed by a new crisis in the health of Napoleon III. Metternich, the Austrian Ambassador to France, saw the Emperor on 7 July and reported: "Since I have known the Emperor, never have I seen him in such a state of complete prostration." Marshal Canrobert, who saw him on 28 July, wrote that the Emperor "was pitiful to see. He could barely sit up in his armchair, and his drawn face expressed at the same time moral anguish and physical pain."
Napoleon III still hoped to receive some compensation from Prussia for French neutrality during the war. His foreign minister, Drouyn, asked Bismarck for the Palatinate region on the Rhine which belonged to Bavaria, and for the demilitarization of Luxembourg, which was the site of a formidable fortress (now a UNESCO World Heritage site) having then a strong Prussian garrison in accordance with international treaties. Napoleon's senior advisor, Rouher, increased the demands, asking that Prussia accept the annexation by France of Belgium and of Luxembourg.
Luxembourg had regained its de jure independence in 1815 as a Grand Duchy. However, that status was tainted by a personal union with the Netherlands. King William III of the Netherlands, who was also Grand Duke of Luxembourg treating Luxembourg as if it was his personal property, desperately needed money. As a consequence, he was prepared to sell out the Grand Duchy to France (thus legally committing high treason and perjury as he had sworn an oath on the Luxembourgish constitution).
Bismarck swiftly intervened and showed the British ambassador a copy of Napoleon's demands, and he put pressure on the King of the Netherlands to refuse to sell the Grand Duchy to France. France was forced to renounce any claim to Luxembourg in the Treaty of London (1867). Napoleon III gained nothing for his efforts but the demilitarization of the Luxembourg fortress.
Failure to increase the size of the French army
Despite his failing health, Napoleon III could see that the Prussian Army, combined with the armies of Bavaria and the other German states, would be a formidable enemy. In 1866, Prussia, with a population of twenty-two million, had been able to mobilize an army of seven hundred thousand men, while France, with population of twenty-six million, had an army of only three hundred eighty-five thousand men, of whom one hundred thousand were in Algeria, Mexico, and Rome. In the autumn of 1867, Napoleon III proposed a form of universal military service, similar to the Prussian system, to increase the size of the French Army, if needed, to one million. His proposal was opposed by many French officers, such as Marechal Randon, who preferred a smaller, more professional army; he said: "This proposal will only give us recruits; it's soldiers we need." It was also strongly opposed by the republican opposition in the French parliament, who denounced the proposal as a militarization of French society. The republican deputy, Émile Ollivier, who later became Napoleon's prime minister, declared: "The armies of France, which I always considered too large, are now going to be increased to an exorbitant size. Why? What is the necessity? Where is the danger? Who is threatening us? ...If France were to disarm, the Germans would know how to convince their governments to do the same. " Facing almost certain defeat in the parliament, Napoleon III withdrew the proposal. It was replaced in January 1868 by a much more modest project to create a garde mobile, or reserve force, to support the army. 
A last search for allies
Following the defeat of Austria, Napoleon resumed his search for allies against Prussia. In April 1867, he proposed an alliance, defensive and offensive, with Austria. If Austria joined France in a victorious war against Prussia, Napoleon promised that Austria could form a new confederation with the southern states of Germany and could annex Silesia, while France took for its part the left bank of the Rhine River.
But the timing of Napoleon's offer was poorly chosen; Austria was in the process of a major internal reform, creating a new twin monarchy structure with two components, one being the Empire of Austria and the other being the Kingdom of Hungary.
Also, the French attempt to install the archduke Maximilian, the brother of the Austrian Emperor, was just coming to its disastrous conclusion; the French troops had just been withdrawn from Mexico in February 1867, and the unfortunate Maximilian would be captured, judged and shot by a firing squad on 19 June. Napoleon III made these offers again in August 1867, on a visit to offer condolences for the death of Maximilian, but the proposal was not received with enthusiasm.
Napoleon III also made one last attempt to persuade Italy to be his ally against Prussia. Italian King Victor-Emmanuel was personally favorable to a better relationship with France, remembering the role that Napoleon III had played in achieving Italian unification, but Italian public opinion was largely hostile to France; on 3 November 1867, French and Papal soldiers had fired upon the Italian patriots of Garibaldi, when he tried to capture Rome. Napoleon presented a proposed treaty of alliance on 4 June 1869, the anniversary of the joint French-Italian victory at Magenta. The Italians responded by demanding that France withdraw its troops who were protecting the Pope, in Rome. Given the opinion of fervent French Catholics, this was a condition Napoleon III could not accept.
While Napoleon III was having no success finding allies, Bismarck signed secret military treaties with the southern German states, who promised to provide troops in the event of a war between Prussia and France. In 1868, Bismarck signed an accord with Russia, giving Russia liberty of action in the Balkans in exchange for neutrality in the event of a war between France and Prussia. This treaty put additional pressure on Austria, which also had interests in the Balkans, not to ally itself with France. Bismarck also reached out to the liberal government of William Gladstone in London, offering to protect the neutrality of Belgium against a French threat. The British Foreign Office under Lord Clarendon mobilized the British Fleet, to dissuade France against any aggressive moves against Belgium. In any war between France and Prussia, France would be entirely alone.
Otto von Bismarck, the Prussian Minister-President (his official title as head of the Prussian government), thought that French vanity would lead to war; he exploited that vanity in the Ems Dispatch in July 1870 and France took the bait and declared war on Prussia.
Hohenzollern candidacy and the Ems telegram
In his memoirs written long after the war, Bismarck wrote: "I always considered that a war with France would naturally follow a war against Austria... I was convinced that the gulf which was created over time between the north and the south of Germany could not be better overcome than by a national war against the neighbouring people who were aggressive against us. I did not doubt that it was necessary to make a French-German war before the general reorganization of Germany could be realized." As the summer of 1870 approached, pressure mounted on Bismarck to have a war with France as quickly as possible. In Bavaria, the largest of the southern German states, unification with (mostly Protestant) Prussia was being opposed by the Patriotic Party, which favoured a confederacy of (Catholic) Bavaria with (Catholic) Austria. German Protestant public opinion was on the side of unification with Prussia, but might not remain so forever.
In France, patriotic sentiment was also growing. On 8 May 1870, French voters had overwhelmingly supported Napoleon III's program in a national plebiscite, with 7 358 000 votes yes against 1 582 000 votes no, an increase of support of two million votes since the legislative elections in 1869. The Emperor was less popular in Paris and the big cities, but highly popular in the French countryside. Napoleon had named a new foreign minister, Antoine Agenor, the Duke de Gramont, the French ambassador to Berlin, who was hostile to Bismarck. The Emperor was weak and ill, but the more extreme Bonapartists were prepared to show their strength against the republicans and monarchists in the parliament.
In July 1870, Bismarck found a cause for a war in an old dynastic dispute. In September 1868, Queen Isabella II of Spain had been overthrown and exiled to France. The new government of Spain considered several candidates, including Leopold, Prince of Hohenzollern, a cousin of King Wilhelm I of Prussia. At the end of 1869 Napoleon III had let it be known to the Prussian king and his Chancellor Bismarck that a Hohenzollern prince on the throne of Spain would not be acceptable to France. King Wilhelm had no desire to enter into a war against Napoleon III and did not pursue the subject further. At the end of May, however, Bismarck wrote to the father of Leopold, asking him to put pressure upon his son to accept the candidacy to be King of Spain. Leopold, solicited by both his father and Bismarck, agreed.
The news of Leopold's candidacy, published 2 July 1870, aroused fury in the French parliament and press. The government was attacked by both the republicans and monarchist opposition, and by the ultra-bonapartists, for its weakness against Prussia. On 6 July Napoleon III held meeting of his ministers at the château of Saint-Cloud and told them that Prussia must withdraw the Hohenzollern candidacy or there would be a war. He asked Marshal Leboeuf, the chief of staff of the French army, if the army was prepared for a war against Prussia. Leboeuf responded that the French soldiers had a superior rifle to the Prussian rifle, that the French artillery was commanded by an elite corps of officers, and that the army "would not lack a button on its puttees." He assured the Emperor that the French army could have four hundred thousand men on the Rhine in less than fifteen days.
King Wilhelm I did not want to be seen as the instigator of the war; he had received messages urging restraint from the Czar, Queen Victoria, and the King of the Belgians. On 10 July, he told Leopold's father that his candidacy should be withdrawn. Leopold resisted the idea, but finally agreed on the 11th, and the withdrawal of the candidacy was announced on the 12th, a diplomatic victory for Napoleon. On the evening of the 12th, after meeting with the Empress and with his foreign minister, Gramont, he decided to push his success a little further; he would ask King Wilhelm to guarantee the Prussian government would never again make such a demand for the Spanish throne.
The French Ambassador to Prussia, Count Vincent Benedetti, was sent to the German spa resort of Bad Ems, where the German King was staying. Benedetti met with the King on 13 July in the park of the château. The King told him courteously that he agreed fully with the withdrawal of the Hohenzollern candidacy, but that he could not make promises on behalf of the government for the future. He considered that the matter was closed. As he was instructed by Gramont, Benedetti asked for another meeting with the King to repeat the request, but the King politely, yet firmly, refused. Benedetti returned to Paris and the affair seemed finished. However, Bismarck edited the official dispatch of the meeting to make it appear that both sides had been hostile: "His majesty the King," the dispatch read, "refused to meet again with the French ambassador, and let him know, through an aide-de-camp of service, that His Majesty had nothing more to say to the Ambassador." This version was communicated to governments, and the next day was in the French press.
The Ems telegram had exactly the effect that Bismarck had intended. Once again, public opinion in France was inflamed. "This text produced the effect of a red flag to the Gallic bull," Bismarck later wrote. Gramont, the French foreign minister, declared that he felt "he had just received a slap." The leader of the conservatives in Parliament, Thiers, spoke for moderation, arguing that France had won the diplomatic battle and there was no reason for war, but he was drowned out by cries that he was a traitor and a Prussian. Napoleon's new prime minister, Émile Ollivier, declared that France had done all that it could humanly and honourably do to prevent the war, and that he accepted the responsibility "with a light heart." A crowd of 15-20,000 persons, carrying flags and patriotic banners, marched through the streets of Paris, demanding war. On 19 July 1870 a declaration of war was sent to the Prussian government.
Defeat in the Franco-Prussian War
When France entered the war there were patriotic demonstrations in the streets of Paris, with crowds singing the Marseillaise and chanting "To Berlin! To Berlin!" But Napoleon was melancholic, telling General Lepic that he expected the war to be "long and difficult", and wondering "Who knows if we'll come back?" He told Maréchal Randon that he felt too old for a military campaign. Despite his ill health, Napoleon decided to go with the army to the front as commander in chief, as he had done during the successful Italian campaign. On 28 July, he departed Saint-Cloud by train for the front. He was accompanied by the 14-year-old Prince Imperial in the uniform of the army, by his military staff, and by a large contingent of chefs and servants in livery. He was pale and visibly in pain. The Empress remained in Paris as the regent, as she had done on other occasions when the Emperor was out of the country.
The mobilization of the French army was chaotic. Two hundred thousand soldiers converged on the German frontier, along a front of 250 kilometers, choking all the roads and railways for miles. Officers were unable to find their units, and units were unable to find their officers. Von Moltke and the German army, with experience mobilizing in the war against Austria, were able to efficiently move three armies of 518 000 men to a more concentrated front of just 120 kilometers. In addition, the German soldiers were backed by a substantial reserve of the Landwehr (Territorial defence), with 340 000 men, and an additional reserve of 400 000 territorial guards. The French army arrived at the frontier equipped with maps of Germany, but without maps of France – where the actual fighting would take place – and without a specific plan of what it was going to do.
On 2 August, Napoleon and the Prince Imperial accompanied the army as it made a tentative crossing of the German border toward the city of Saarbrücken. The French won a minor skirmish and advanced no further. Napoleon III, very ill, was unable to ride his horse, and had to support himself by leaning against a tree. In the meantime, the Germans had assembled a much larger army opposite Alsatia and Lorraine than the French had expected or were aware of. On 4 August 1870 the Germans attacked with overwhelming force against a French division in Alsatia at the Battle of Wissembourg (German: Weissenburg), forcing it to retreat. On 5 August the Germans defeated another French Army at the Battle of Spicheren in Lorraine.
On 6 August, 140 000 Germans attacked 35 000 French soldiers at the Battle of Wörth; the French lost 19 200 soldiers killed, wounded and captured, and were forced to retreat. The French soldiers fought bravely, and French cavalry and infantry attacked the German lines repeatedly, but the Germans had superior logistics, communications, and leadership. The decisive weapon was the new German Krupp six pound field gun, which had a steel barrel and was loaded by the breech, and had a longer range, more rapid rate of fire, and more accuracy than the bronze muzzle-loading French cannons. The Krupp guns caused terrible casualties in the French ranks.
When the news of the French defeats reached Paris on 7 August, it was greeted with disbelief and dismay. Prime Minister Ollivier and the chief of staff of the army, Marshal Leboeuf both resigned. The Empress Eugénie took it upon herself as the Regent to name a new government. She chose General Cousin-Montauban, better known as the Count of Palikao, seventy-four years old, the former commander of the French expeditionary force to China, as her new prime minister. The Count of Palikao named Maréchal François Achille Bazaine, the commander of the French forces in Lorraine, as the new military commander. Napoleon III proposed returning to Paris, realizing that he was doing no good for the army. The Empress, in charge of the government responded by telegraph, "Don't think of coming back, unless you want to unleash a terrible revolution. They will say you quit the army to flee the danger." The Emperor agreed to remain with the army. With the Empress directing the country, and Bazaine commanding the army, the Emperor no longer had any real role to play. At the front, the Emperor told Marshal Leboeuf, "we've both been dismissed."
On 18 August 1870, the biggest battle of the war, the Battle of Gravelotte took place in Lorraine between the Germans and the army of Marshal Bazaine. The Germans suffered 20 000 casualties and the French 12 000, but the Germans emerged as the victor, as Marshal Bazaine's army, with 175 000 soldiers, six divisions of cavalry and five hundred cannons, was trapped inside the fortifications of Metz, unable to move.
Napoleon was at Châlons-sur-Marne with the army of Marshal Patrice de MacMahon. MacMahon, Marshal Bazaine, and the count of Palikao, with the Empress in Paris, all had different ideas on what the army should do next, and the Emperor had to act as a referee among them. The Emperor and MacMahon proposed moving their army closer to Paris to protect the city, but on 17 August Bazaine telegraphed to the Emperor: "I urge you to renounce this idea, which seems to abandon the Army at Metz... Couldn't you make a powerful diversion toward the Prussian corps, which are already exhausted by so many battles? The Empress shares my opinion." Napoleon III wrote back, "I yield to your opinion.". The Emperor sent the Prince Imperial back to Paris for his safety, and went with the weary army in the direction of Metz. The Emperor, riding in an open carriage, was jeered, sworn at and insulted by demoralized soldiers.
The direction of movement of MacMahon's army was supposed to be secret, but it was published in the French press and thus was quickly known to the German general staff. The German commander, Helmuth von Moltke, ordered two Prussian armies which were marching toward Paris to turn towards MacMahon's army. On 30 August one corps of MacMahon's army was attacked by the Germans at Beaumont, losing five hundred men and forty cannons. MacMahon, believing he was ahead of the Germans, decided to stop and reorganize his forces at the fortified city of Sedan, in the Ardennes close to the Belgian border.
Battle of Sedan and capitulation
MacMahon arrived at Sedan with one hundred thousand soldiers not knowing that two German armies were closing in on the city, one from the west and one from the east, blocking any escape. The Germans arrived on 31 August and by 1 September occupied the heights around Sedan, placed batteries of artillery, and began to shell the French positions below. At five o'clock in the morning on 1 September, MacMahon was seriously wounded in the hip by a German shell. Sedan was soon under bombardment from seven hundred German guns. MacMahon's replacement, General Wimpffen, launched a series of valiant cavalry attacks to try to break the German encirclement, with no success. During the battle and bombardment, the French lost seventeen thousand killed or wounded, and twenty-one thousand captured.
As the German shells rained down on the French positions, Napoleon III wandered aimlessly in the open around the French positions. One officer of his military escort was killed, and two more were wounded. A doctor accompanying him wrote in his notebook, "If this man has not come here to kill himself, I don't know what he has come to do. I have not seen him give an order all morning."
Finally, at one o'clock in the afternoon, Napoleon emerged from his reverie and gave the order for a white flag to be hoisted above the citadel. He then had a message sent to the Prussian King, who was at Sedan with his army: "Monsieur my brother, not being able to die at the head of my troops, nothing remains for me but to place my sword in the hands of Your Majesty."
After the war, when he was accused of having made a "shameful surrender" at Sedan, he wrote: "Some people believe that, by burying ourselves under the ruins of Sedan, we would have better served my name and my dynasty. It's possible. Nay, to hold in my hand the lives of thousands of men and not to make a sign to save them was something that was beyond my capacity....my heart refused these sinister grandeurs."
At six o'clock in the morning on 2 September, in the uniform of a general, and accompanied by four generals from his staff, Napoleon was taken to the German headquarters at Donchery. He expected to see King William, but instead he was met by Bismarck and the German commander, General von Moltke. They dictated the terms of the surrender to Napoleon. Napoleon asked that his army be disarmed and allowed to pass into Belgium, but Bismarck refused. They also asked Napoleon to sign the preliminary documents of a peace treaty, but Napoleon refused, telling them that negotiating the peace would be the responsibility of the French government headed by the regent, the Empress Eugénie . The Emperor was then taken to the Chateau at Bellevue, where he was visited by the Prussian King. Napoleon told the King that he had not wanted the war, but had been forced into it by public opinion. The Prussian king politely agreed. That evening, from the Chateau, he wrote to the Empress Eugénie : "It is impossible for me to say what I have suffered and what I am suffering now...I would have preferred death to a capitulation so disastrous, and yet, under the present circumstances, it was the only way to avoid the butchering of sixty thousand people. If only all my torments were concentrated here! I think of you, our son, and our unhappy country."
The news of the capitulation reached Paris on 3 September, confirming the rumors that were already circulating in the city. When the news was given to the Empress that the Emperor and the army were prisoners, she reacted by shouting at the Emperor's personal aide, "No! An Emperor does not capitulate! He is dead!...They are trying to hide it from me. Why didn't he kill himself! Doesn't he know he has dishonored himself?!". Later, when hostile crowds formed near the palace, and the staff began to flee, the Empress slipped out with one of her entourage and sought sanctuary with her American dentist, who took her to Deauville. From there, on 7 September, she took the yacht of a British official to England. On 4 September, a group of republican deputies, led by Léon Gambetta, gathered at the Hôtel de Ville (City Hall) in Paris and proclaimed the return of the Republic, and the creation of a Government of National Defence. The Second Empire of Napoleon III was over.
Captivity, exile and death
From 5 September 1870 until 19 March 1871, Napoleon III and his entourage of thirteen aides were held in comfortable captivity in a castle at Wilhelmshöhe, near Kassel. Eugénie traveled incognito to Germany to visit Napoleon. Napoleon continued to write political tracts and letters, and dreamed of a return to power. Bonapartiste candidates participated in the first elections for the National Assembly on 8 February, but won only five seats. On 1 March, the newly elected assembly officially declared the removal of the Emperor from power, and placed all the blame for the French defeat squarely on him. When peace was arranged between France and Germany, Bismarck released Napoleon. He decided to go into exile in England. Napoleon had limited funds; he sold properties and jewels, and arrived in England on 20 March 1871.
Napoleon, Eugénie, their son and their entourage settled at Camden Place, a large three-story country house in the village of Chislehurst, a half-hour by train from London. He was received by Queen Victoria, who also visited him at Chislehurst. Louis-Napoleon’s connection with Chislehurst and Camden Place was complex. While exiled in England he often visited Emily Rowles, whose father owned Camden Place in the 1830s. She assisted his escape from French prison in 1846. He had also paid attention to another English girl, Elizabeth Howard, who later gave birth to a son, whose father (not Louis-Napoleon) settled property on her to support the son, via a trust whose trustee was Nathaniel Strode. Strode bought Camden Place in 1860 and spent large sums of money transforming it into a French chateau. Strode had also received money from the Emperor, possibly to buy Camden Place and maintain it as a bolt-hole.
Napoleon passed his time writing and designing a stove which would be more energy efficient. In the summer of 1872, his health began to worsen. Doctors recommended surgery to remove his gallstones. After two operations he became very seriously ill. His last words were, "Isn't it true that we weren't cowards at Sedan?" He was given last rites, and died on 9 January 1873.
Napoleon was originally buried at St Mary's, the Catholic Church in Chislehurst. However, after his son, an officer in the British Army, died in 1879 fighting against the Zulus in South Africa, Eugénie decided to build a monastery and a chapel for the remains of Napoleon III and their son. In 1888, the bodies were moved to the Imperial Crypt at St Michael's Abbey, Farnborough, Hampshire, England.
Louis Napoleon has a historical reputation as a womanizer, yet he referred to his behaviour in the following manner: "It is usually the man who attacks. As for me, I defend myself, and I often capitulate." He had many mistresses. During his reign, it was the task of Count Felix Bacciochi, his social secretary, to arrange for trysts and to procure women for the emperor's favours. His affairs were not trivial sideshows: they distracted him from governing, affected his relationship with the empress, and diminished him in the views of the other European courts. Among his numerous love affairs and mistresses were:
- Mathilde Bonaparte, his cousin and fiancée
- Maria Anna Schiess (1812–80), of Allensbach (Lake Constance, Germany), mother of his son Bonaventur Karrer (1839–1921)
- Alexandrine Éléonore Vergeot, laundress at the prison at Ham, mother of his sons Alexandre Louis Eugène and Louis Ernest Alexandre
- Elisa Rachel Felix, the "most famous actress in Europe"
- Harriet Howard (1823–65) wealthy and a major financial backer
- Virginia Oldoini, Countess of Castiglione (22 March 1837 – 28 November 1899) Spy, artist and famous beauty, sent by Camillo Cavour to influence the Emperor's politics
- Marie-Anne Walewska, a possible mistress, who was the wife of Count Alexandre Colonna-Walewski, his relative and foreign minister
- Justine Marie Le Boeuf, also known as Marguerite Bellanger, actress and acrobatic dancer. Bellanger was falsely rumoured to be the illegitimate daughter of a hangman, and was the most universally loathed of the mistresses, though perhaps his favorite
- Countess Louise de Mercy-Argenteau (1837–90), likely a platonic relationship, author of The Last Love of an Emperor, her reminiscences of her association with the emperor.
His wife, Eugénie, resisted his advances prior to marriage. She was coached by her mother and her friend, Prosper Mérimée. "What is the road to your heart?" Napoleon demanded to know. "Through the chapel, Sire", she answered. Yet, after marriage, it took not long for him to stray as Eugénie found sex with him "disgusting". It is doubtful that she allowed further approaches by her husband once she had given him an heir.[who?]
By his late forties, Napoleon started to suffer from numerous medical ailments, including kidney disease, bladder stones, chronic bladder and prostate infections, arthritis, gout, obesity, and the chronic effects of smoking. In 1856, Dr. Robert Ferguson, a consultant called from London, diagnosed a "nervous exhaustion" that had a "debilitating impact upon sexual ... performance" and reported this also to the British government.
With Prosper Mérimée, Napoleon III continued to seek the preservation of numerous mediaeval buildings in France, which had been left disregarded since the French revolution (a project Mérimée had begun during the July Monarchy). With Viollet-le-Duc acting as chief architect, many buildings were saved, including some of the most famous in France: Notre Dame Cathedral, Mont Saint-Michel, Carcassonne, Vézelay Abbey, Pierrefonds, and Roquetaillade castle.
Napoleon III also directed the building of the French railway network, which greatly contributed to the development of the coal mining and steel industry in France, thereby radically changing the nature of the French economy, which entered the modern age of large-scale capitalism. The French economy, the second largest in the world at the time (behind the British economy), experienced a very strong growth during the reign of Napoleon III. Names such as steel tycoon Eugène Schneider or banking mogul James de Rothschild are symbols of the period. Two of France's largest banks, Société Générale and Crédit Lyonnais, still in existence today, were founded during that period. The French stock market also expanded prodigiously, with many coal mining and steel companies issuing stocks. Historians credit Napoleon chiefly for supporting the railways, but not otherwise building the economy.
Napoleon's military pressure and Russian mistakes, culminating in the Crimean War, dealt a fatal blow to the Concert of Europe. It was based on stability and balance of powers, whereas Napoleon attempted to rearrange the world map to France's favour even when it involved radical and potentially revolutionary changes in politics. A 12-pound cannon designed by France is commonly referred to as a Napoleon cannon or 12-pounder Napoleon in his honour.
The historical reputation of Napoleon III is far below that of his uncle. Victor Hugo portrayed him as "Napoleon the Small" (Napoléon le Petit), a mere mediocrity, in contrast with Napoleon I "The Great", presented as a military and administrative genius. In France, such arch-opposition from the age's central literary figure, whose attacks on Napoleon III were obsessive and powerful, made it impossible for a very long time to assess his reign objectively. Karl Marx, in The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, famously mocked Napoleon III by saying "Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historical facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce." Napoleon III has often been seen as an authoritarian but ineffectual leader who brought France into dubious, and ultimately disastrous, foreign military adventures.
Historians have also emphasized his attention to the fate of the working classes and poor people. His book Extinction du paupérisme ("Extinction of pauperism"), which he wrote while imprisoned at the Fort of Ham in 1844, contributed greatly to his popularity among the working classes and thus his election in 1848. Throughout his reign the emperor worked to alleviate the sufferings of the poor, on occasion breaching the 19th-century economic orthodoxy of freedom and laissez-faire and using state resources or interfering in the market. Among other things, the Emperor granted the right to strike to French workers in 1864, despite intense opposition from corporate lobbies.
On the extreme Left, Marxist sociologist Göran Therborn has characterized the reign of Napoleon III as the "first modern bourgeois regime", one which combined a movement of mass support with 'bourgeois' rule, albeit through authoritarian statist means. According to Therborn, such a form of rule, ossified upon the point of crisis, proves fatal to such regimes once major external crises emerge, inevitable under Marxist exploitation theory.
- Guy Bates Post plays Louis Napoleon in Maytime (1936).
- Leon Ames played him in Suez (1938), although Loretta Young as Eugénie is a more prominent character.
- Claude Rains portrays him in Juarez (1939) as a weak man ready to betray Maximilian in Mexico.
- Walter Franck plays Napoleon III in the German biopic Bismarck (1940)
- Jerome Cowan plays Napoleon III in The Song of Bernadette (1943).
Titles, styles, honours and arms
|Royal styles of
Napoleon III of France
|Reference style||His Imperial Majesty|
|Spoken style||Your Imperial Majesty|
|Alternative style||My Lord|
- 20 April 1808 – 9 July 1810: His Imperial and Royal Highness prince Louis-Napoléon of France, Prince of Holland
- 20 April 1808 – 20 December 1848: His Imperial Highness prince Louis-Napoléon of France
- 20 December 1848 – 2 December 1852: His Imperial Highness Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, The Prince-President of the French Republic ("Son Altesse Impériale le Prince-President")
- 2 December 1852 – 1 March 1871: His Imperial Majesty The Emperor of the French
- 1 March 1871 – 9 January 1873: His Imperial Majesty Napoléon III
|Ancestors of Napoleon III|
Writings by Napoleon III
- Les Idees Napoleoniennes – an outline of Napoleon III's opinion of the optimal course for France, written before he became Emperor.
- History of Julius Caesar, a historical work he wrote during his reign. He drew an analogy between the politics of Julius Caesar and his own, as well as those of his uncle.
- Napoleon III wrote a number of articles on military matters (artillery), scientific issues (electromagnetism, pro and con of beet versus cane sugar), historical topics (The Stuart kings of Scotland), and on the feasibility of the Nicaragua canal. His pamphlet On the Extinction of Pauperism helped his political advancement.
- Milza, 2006, p. 317
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- Bresler, 1999, p. 20
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 21-24
- Milza, 2006, p. 15
- Bresler, 1999, p. 37
- Séguin, 1990, p. 26
- Milza, 2006, pp. 39–42
- Bresler, 1999, pp. 94–95
- Milza, 2006, pp. 58–72
- Milza, 2006, pp. 72–77
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 55–56
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 61–62
- Séguin, 1990, p. 68
- Milza, 2006, pp. 97–100
- Milza, 2006, pp. 107–108
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 74–75
- Milza, 2006, pp. 122–133
- Quoted in Séguin, 1990, p. 81
- Séguin, 1990, p. 83
- Séguin, 1990, p. 89. Translated by D. Siefkin
- Séguin, 1990, p. 93
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 96–97
- Séguin, 1990, p. 102
- 'Séguin, 1990, p. 105
- Séguin, 1990, p. 106
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 108–109
- Milza, 2006, p. 182
- Séguin, 1990, p. 111
- Milza, 2006, pp. 182–190
- Séguin, 1990, p. 115
- Séguin, 1990, p. 125
- Séguin, 1990, p. 123
- Séguin, 1990, p. 124
- Milza, 2006, pp. 189–190
- Milza, 2006, p. 194
- Roger Price (1997). Napoléon III and the Second Empire. Psychology Press. p. 16.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, 2006, pp. 208–209
- Cobban, p. 155
- Ronald Aminzade (1993). Ballots and Barricades: Class Formation and Republican Politics in France, 1830–1871. Princeton University Press. p. 299.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Cobban, p. 156
- John Stevens Cabot Abbott (1873). The history of Napoleon III., emperor of the French. p. 418.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, 2006, p. 255
- Milza, 2006, p. 261
- Cobban, pp. 157–158
- Cobban, p. 158
- Cobban and Milza
- Cobban, p 158
- Cobban, p. 159
- Milza, 2006, p. 271
- Edward Berenson; Vincent Duclert; Christophe Prochasson (2011). The French Republic: History, Values, Debates. Cornell University Press. p. 34.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- John Andrew Frey (1999). A Victor Hugo Encyclopedia. Greenwood. p. 20.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, 2006, p. 277
- Milza, 2006, p. 279
- Milsa, 2006, p. 279
- Speech of 9 October in Bordeux, published in Le Moniteur. Cited in Milsa, 2006, p. 283
- Milza, 2006, pg. 468
- Milza, 2006, pp. 467–469
- Plessis 1989, pp. 60–61
- Milza, 2006, pp. 471–474
- Milza, 2006, p. 475
- Milza, 2006, p. 474
- Milza, 2006, p. 486
- De Moncan, Patrice (2009), Les jardins du Baron Haussmann, p. 15
- De Moncan, Patrice (2009), Les jardins du Baron Haussmann p. 21
- Milza, 2006
- Ayers, Andrew (2004). The Architecture of Paris. Stuttgart; London: Edition Axel Menges. ISBN 978-3-930698-96-7
- Jarrasse, Dominique (2007), Grammaire des jardins parisiens, Parigramme
- Jarrasse, Dominque (2007), Grammmaire des jardins Parisiens, Parigramme. p. 134
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 199–204
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 204–210
- Alan B. Spitzer, "The Good Napoleon III." French Historical Studies (1962): 308-329. in JSTOR
- Lynn Case, French opinion on war and diplomacy during the Second Empire (1954).
- Roger Price, The French Second Empire: an anatomy of political power (2001) p. 43
- Milza, 2006, pp. 382–386
- Milza, 2006, pp. 388–389
- Milza, 2006, pp. 392–395
- Markham 1975, p. 199
- Taylor, Alan J. P. (1954). The Struggle for Mastery of Europe. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University. p. 412. ISBN 0-19-881270-1.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, 2006, pp. 407–412
- Milza, 2006, pp. 357–362
- cited in Milza, 2006, p. 414
- Milza, 2006, pp. 415–420
- Milza, 2006, p. 425
- Milza, 2006, pp. 427–428
- Milza, 2006, p. 431
- Séguin, 1990, p. 260
- Milza, 2006, pp. 434–441
- Girard, 1986, pp. 325-328
- Girard, 1986, p. 309-310
- Don H. Doyle (2014). The Cause of All Nations: An International History of the American Civil War. Basic Books. p. 303.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Michele Cunningham, Mexico and the Foreign Policy of Napoleon III (Palgrave Macmillan, 2001)
- "Protectorates and Spheres of Influence – Spheres of influence prior to World War II" Encyclopedia of the New American Nation
- Girard, 1986, pp. 200-201
- "History of the Hotel du Palais, the former Villa Eugenie". Grand Hotels of the World.com
- Girard, 1986, pp. 202-204
- Published in Le Moniteur on 24 April 1863. Cited in Maneglier, Hervé, Paris Impérial — La vie quotidienne sous le Second Empire, p. 173
- Meneglier, Hervé, Paris Impérial- la vie quotidienne sous le Second Empire
- Meneglier, Hervé, Paris Impérial- la vie quotidienne sous le Second Empire, Éditions Armand Colin, (1990). p. 173
- Séguin, 1990, p. 314
- Séguin, 1990,p. 313
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 314–317
- René Viviani, Henri Robert and Albert Meurgé Cinquante-ans de féminisme : 1870-1920, Ligue française pour le droit des femmes, Paris, 1921
- Milza, 2006, p. 592
- Milza, 2006, p. 598
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 241–243
- Séguin, 1990 , p. 304
- Séguin, 1990 , p. 306–307
- Séguin, 1990 , p. 309
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 345–346
- Séguin, 1990, pp. 346–347
- Alain Plessis, The Rise and Fall of the Second Empire, 1852–1871 (1988)
- Milza, 2006, pp. 568–569
- Séguin, 1990, p. 370
- Girard, 1986, p. 449
- Séguin, 1990, p. 338
- Girard, 1986, p. 450
- Girard, 1986, p. 376-377
- Milza, 2006, p. 649
- Girard, 1986, p. 380
- Markham 1975, p. 203
- Séguin, 1990, p. 387
- Séguin, 1990, p. 389
- Séguin, 1990, p. 392
- Michael Howard (1981). The Franco-Prussian War: The German Invasion of France 1870-1871. Taylor & Francis. pp. 30, 38–39.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, 2009, p. 45-46
- Milza, 2009, p. 46-47
- Milza, 2009, p. 47-48
- Alison Kitson (2001). Germany 1858-1990: Hope, Terror and Revival. Oxford U.P. p. 1870.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Séguin, 1990, p. 394
- Milza, 2009, p. 47-50
- Milza, 2009, p. 52
- Milza, 2009, p. 55-56
- Milza, 2009, p. 57-59
- Girard, 1986, p. 473
- Milza, 2009, p. 69-70
- Milza, 2009, p. 61
- Milza, 2009, pg. 80-81
- Milza, 2009, p. 81
- Milza, 2009, p. 92
- Girard, 1986, p. 480
- Girard, 1986, p. 482
- Milza, 2006, p. 708
- Milza, 2006, pp. 708
- Milza, 2006, p. 709
- Milza, 2006, p. 79
- Milza, 2006, p. 710
- Milza, 2006, p. 711
- Milza, 2006, p. 711-712
- Girard, 1986, p. 488
- "Camden Place". chislehurst.co.uk.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Girard, 1986, p. 497-498
- Girard, 1986, p. 500
- Betty Kelen. The Mistresses. Domestic Scandals of the 19th-Century Monarchs. Random Hours, New York (1966).<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- MFEM Bierman. Napoleon III and His Carnival Empire. St. Martin's Press, New York, 1988, ISBN 0-312-01827-4.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- David Baguley. Napoleon III and His regime. An Extravaganza. Louisiana State University Press (2000), ISBN 0-8071-2624-1.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- "Napoleon III. – seine Nachkommen (Descendants) - Nachkomme, Descendant Napoleon III". Nachkomme, Descendant Napoleon III.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- "Les enfants de Napoléon et Eléonore Vergeot" (in French). Société d'Histoire du Vésinet. Retrieved 6 February 2008. <templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Markham 1975, p. 201
- Geoffrey Wawro (2005). The Franco-Prussian War: The German Conquest of France in 1870-1871. p. 8.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Charles P. Kindleberger, Economic Growth in France and Britain 1851-1950 (1964) pp 6, 42, 186-88
- Stephen E. Hanson (2010). Post-Imperial Democracies: Ideology and Party Formation in Third Republic France, Weimar Germany, and Post-Soviet Russia. Cambridge UP. p. 90.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Göran Therborn (2008) . What Does the Ruling Class Do When It Rules?. Verso. p. 198. ISBN 978-1-84467-210-3.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Therborn, p. 201
- "Napoléon's Titles". Heraldica.org. 26 August 2011. Retrieved 29 January 2013
- Bresler, Fenton (1999), Napoleon III: A Life, London: Harper Collins, ISBN 0-00-255787-8<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Baguley, David. Napoleon III and His Regime: An Extravaganza (2000)
- Bury J. P.T. Napoleon III and the Second Empire (1964).
- Case Lynn M. French Opinion on War and Diplomacy during the Second Empire (1954)
- Cobban, Alfred (1965), A History of Modern France: Volume 2: 1799-1871, London: Penguin<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Corley, T. A. B. Democratic Despot: A Life of Napoleon III (1961) online edition
- Cunningham; Michele. Mexico and the Foreign Policy of Napoleon III (Palgrave, 2001) online edition
- Duff, David. Eugénie and Napoleon III (Collins, 1978)
- Gooch, Brison D., ed. Napoleon III – Man of Destiny: Enlightened Statesman or Proto-Fascist?, (1966) excerpt
- Gooch, Brison D., ed. The Reign of Napoleon III, (1969)
- McMillan, J. Napoleon III (Longman, 1991)
- Markham, Felix (1975), The Bonapartes, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, ISBN 0-297-76928-6<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Pinkney, David H. "Napoleon III's Transformation of Paris: The Origins and Development of the Idea," Journal of Modern History (1955) 27#2 pp. 125–134 in JSTOR
- Pinkney, David H. Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton University Press, 1958) ISBN 0-691-00768-3.
- Plessis, Alain (1989), The Rise & Fall of the Second Empire 1852–1871, Cambridge University Press<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Price, Roger. "Napoleon III: 'hero' or 'grotesque mediocrity'?" History Review (2003) pp 14+
- Price, Roger. Napoleon III and the Second Empire (Routledge, 1997)
- Price, Roger. The French Second Empire: an anatomy of political power (Cambridge University Press, 2001) online edition
- Randell, Keith (1991), Monarchy, Republic & Empire, Access to History, Hodder & Stoughton, ISBN 0-340-51805-7<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Thompson, J.M. Louis Napoleon and the Second Empire. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965. online edition
- Wawro, Geoffrey. The Franco-Prussian War: The German Conquest of France in 1870–1871(2005)
- Wetzel, David A Duel of Giants: Bismarck, Napoleon III, and the Origins of the Franco-Prussian War (University of Wisconsin Press, 2001)
- Wetzel, David. A Duel of Nations: Germany, France, and the Diplomacy of the War of 1870–1871 (University of Wisconsin Press; 2012) 310 pages
- Zeldin, Theodore. The Political System of Napoleon III (Oxford University Press, 1958).
- Campbell, Stuart L. The Second Empire Revisited: A Study in French Historiography (1978)
- Spitzer, Alan B. "The Good Napoleon III," French Historical Studies (1962) 2#3 pp. 308–329 in JSTOR; praises his domestic policies
- T. W. Evans, Memoirs of the Second French Empire, (New York, 1905)
- Marie-Clotilde-Elisabeth Louise de Riquet, comtesse de Mercy-Argenteau, The Last Love of an Emperor: reminiscences of the Comtesse Louise de Mercy-Argenteau, née Princesse de Caraman-Chimay, describing her association with the Emperor Napoleon III and the social and political part she played at the close of the Second Empire (Garden City, N.Y., Doubleday, Page & Co., 1926).
In French or German
- Anceau, Eric (2008), Napoléon III, un Saint-Simon à cheval, Paris, Tallandier.
- Choisel, Francis (2015), La Deuxième République et le Second Empire au jour le jour, chronologie érudite détaillée, Paris, CNRS Editions.
- Girard, Louis (1986), Napoléon III, Paris: Fayard, ISBN 2-01-27-9098-4<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Milza, Pierre (2006), Napoléon III, Paris: Tempus, ISBN 978-2-262-02607-3<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Séguin, Philippe (1990), Louis Napoléon Le Grand, Paris: Bernard Grasset, ISBN 2-246-42951-X<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
- Tulard, Jean (dir.), (1995), Dictionnaire du Second Empire, Paris, Fayard, 1348 p.
- Wittmann, Heiner. Napoleon III. Macht und Kunst(Reihe Dialoghi/dialogues. Literatur und Kultur Italiens und Frankreichs. Hrsg. v. Dirk Hoeges, Band 17, Verlag Peter Lang, Frankfurt, Berlin, Bern u.a., 2013).
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Napoleon III.|
|Wikiquote has quotations related to: Napoleon III|
|Wikisource has the text of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article Napoleon III.|
- Napoleonic ideas. Des idées napoléniennes (1859) at archive.org
- History of Julius Caesar vol. 1 at MOA
- History of Julius Caesar vol. 2 at MOA
- Histoire de Jules César (Volume 1) in French at archive.org
- Editorial cartoons of the Second Empire
- Place de la Revolution, Béziers & Napoleon 111
- Maps of Europe covering the reign of Napoleon III (omniatlas)
|President of the French Second Republic
20 December 1848 – 2 December 1852
|Head of State of France
20 December 1848 – 4 September 1870
Louis Jules Trochu
Louis-Philippe of France
as King of the French
|Emperor of the French
2 December 1852 – 4 September 1870
|Co-Prince of Andorra
20 December 1848 – 4 September 1870