Pilgrim Fathers

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"The Embarkation of the Pilgrims" (1857) by the American painter Robert Walter Weir at the Brooklyn Museum in New York City

Pilgrims is a name commonly applied to early settlers of the Plymouth Colony in present-day Plymouth, Massachusetts, United States, with the men commonly called Pilgrim Fathers. The Pilgrims' leadership came from the religious congregations of Brownist English Dissenters who had fled the volatile political environment in England for the relative calm and tolerance of 16th–17th century Holland in the Netherlands. The Pilgrims held similar Calvinist religious beliefs to the Puritans but, unlike many Puritans, maintained that their congregations needed to be separated from the English state church. As a separatist group concerned with losing their English cultural identity if they emigrated to the Netherlands, the group arranged with English investors to establish a new colony in North America. The colony, established in 1620, became the second successful English settlement (after the founding of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607). The Pilgrims' modern popular story of seeking "religious freedom" has become a central theme of the history and culture of the United States.

By this time, non-English European colonization of the Americas was also under way in New Netherland, New France, Essequibo, Colonial Brazil, Barbados, the Viceroyalty of Peru, and New Spain.


Separatists in Scrooby

The core of the group that would come to be known as the Pilgrims were brought together by a common belief in the ideas promoted by Richard Clyfton, a Brownist parson at All Saints' Parish Church in Babworth, near East Retford, Nottinghamshire, between 1586 and 1605. This congregation held Separatist beliefs comparable to nonconforming movements (i.e., groups not in communion with the Church of England) led by Robert Browne, John Greenwood and Henry Barrowe. Unlike the Puritan group who maintained their membership in and allegiance to the Church of England, Separatists held that their differences with the Church of England were irreconcilable and that their worship should be organized independently of the trappings, traditions and organization of a central church.[1] William Brewster, a former diplomatic assistant to the Netherlands, was living in the Scrooby manor house, serving as postmaster for the village and bailiff to the Archbishop of York. Having been favorably impressed by Clyfton's services, he had begun participating in Separatist services led by John Smyth in Gainsborough, Lincolnshire.[2]

The Separatists had long been controversial. Under the 1559 Act of Uniformity, it was illegal not to attend official Church of England services - unless the church was a signatory to the allegiance to the Church of England, as the Puritan church was, for example - with a fine of one shilling (£0.05; about £17 today[3]) for each missed Sunday and holy day. The penalties for conducting unofficial services included imprisonment and larger fines. Under the policy of this time, Barrowe and Greenwood were executed for sedition in 1593.

During much of Brewster's tenure (1595–1606), the Archbishop was Matthew Hutton. He displayed some sympathy to the Puritan cause, writing to Robert Cecil, Secretary of State to James I in 1604:

The Puritans though they differ in Ceremonies and accidentes, yet they agree with us in substance of religion, and I thinke all or the moste parte of them love his Majestie, and the presente state, and I hope will yield to conformitie. But the Papistes are opposite and contrarie in very many substantiall pointes of religion, and cannot but wishe the Popes authoritie and popish religion to be established.[4]

It had been hoped that when James came to power, a reconciliation allowing independence would be possible, but the Hampton Court Conference of 1604 denied substantially all the concessions requested by Puritans, save for an English translation of the Bible. Following the Conference, in 1605, Clyfton was declared a nonconformist and stripped of his position at Babworth. Brewster invited Clyfton to live at his home.

Upon Hutton's death in 1606, Tobias Matthew was appointed as his replacement. Matthew, one of James' chief supporters at the 1604 conference,[5] promptly began a campaign to purge the archdiocese of nonconforming influences, both Separatists and those wishing to return to the Catholic faith. Disobedient clergy were replaced, and prominent Separatists were confronted, fined, and imprisoned. He is credited with driving recusants, those who refused to attend Anglican services, out of the country.[6][7]

At about the same time, Brewster arranged for a congregation to meet privately at the Scrooby manor house. Beginning in 1606, services were held with Clyfton as pastor, John Robinson as teacher and Brewster as the presiding elder. Shortly thereafter, Smyth and members of the Gainsborough group moved on to Amsterdam.[8] Brewster is known to have been fined £20 (about £3.86 thousand today[3]) in absentia for his non-compliance with the church.[9] This followed his September 1607 resignation from the postmaster position,[10] about the time that the congregation had decided to follow the Smyth party to Amsterdam.[1][11]

Scrooby member William Bradford, of Austerfield, kept a journal of the congregation's events that would later be published as Of Plymouth Plantation. Of this time, he wrote:

But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their hands; and ye most were faine to flie & leave their howses & habitations, and the means of their livelehood.[1]

In the Columbia Encyclopedia, it is stated that "Although not actively persecuted, the group was subjected to ecclesiastical investigation and to the mockery, criticism, and disfavor of their neighbors."[12]


Title page of a pamphlet published by William Brewster in Leiden

In Leiden, Holland, a city of 100,000 inhabitants,[13] they lived in small houses behind the "Kloksteeg", opposite the Pieterskerk. The success of the congregation in Leiden was mixed. Leiden was a thriving industrial center,[14] and many members were well able to support themselves working at Leiden University or in the textile, printing and brewing trades. Others were less able to bring in sufficient income, hampered by their rural backgrounds and the language barrier; for those, accommodations were made on an estate bought by Robinson and three partners.[15]

Of their years in Leiden, Bradford wrote:

For these & other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by ye universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned man. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amerstdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living & estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads & imployments as they best could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever. And at length they came to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.[16]

Brewster had been teaching English at the university, and in 1615, Robinson enrolled to pursue his doctorate. There, he participated in a series of debates, particularly regarding the contentious issue of Calvinism versus Arminianism (siding with the Calvinists against the Remonstrants). See the Synod of Dort. Brewster, in a venture financed by Thomas Brewer, acquired typesetting equipment about 1616 and began publishing the debates through a local press.[17]

The Netherlands was, however, a land whose culture and language were strange and difficult for the English congregation to understand or learn. They found the Dutch morals much too libertine. Their children were becoming more and more Dutch as the years passed by. The congregation came to believe that they faced eventual extinction if they remained there.[citation needed]

Decision to leave Holland

By 1617, although the congregation was stable and relatively secure, there were ongoing issues that needed to be resolved.

Bradford noted that the congregation was aging, compounding the difficulties some had in supporting themselves. Some, having spent through their savings, gave up and returned to England. It was feared that more would follow and that the congregation would become unsustainable. The employment issues made it unattractive for others to come to Leiden, and younger members had begun leaving to find employment and adventure elsewhere. Also compelling was the possibility of missionary work, an opportunity that rarely arose in a Protestant stronghold.[18]

Reasons for departure are suggested by Bradford, when he notes the "discouragements" of the hard life they had in the Netherlands, and the hope of attracting others by finding "a better, and easier place of living"; the "children" of the group being "drawn away by evil examples into extravagance and dangerous courses"; the "great hope, for the propagating and advancing the gospell of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world."[18]

Edward Winslow's list was similar. In addition to the economic worries and missionary possibilities, he stressed that it was important for the people to retain their English identity, culture and language. They also believed that the English Church in Leiden could do little to benefit the larger community there.[19]

At the same time, there were many uncertainties about moving to such a place as America. Stories had come back from there about failed colonies. There were fears that the native people would be violent, that there would be no source of food or water, that exposure to unknown diseases was possible, and that travel by sea was always hazardous. Balancing all this was a local political situation that was in danger of becoming unstable: the truce in what would be known as the Eighty Years' War was faltering, and there was fear over what the attitudes of Spain toward them might be.[18]

Candidate destinations included Guiana, where the Dutch had already established Essequibo, or somewhere near the existing Virginia settlements. Virginia was an attractive destination because the presence of the older colony might offer better security and trade opportunities. It was thought, however, that they should not settle too near since that might too closely duplicate the political environment back in England. The London Company administered a territory of considerable size in the region. The intended settlement location was at the mouth of the Hudson River. This made it possible to settle at a distance that allayed concerns of social, political and religious conflicts, but still provided the military and economic benefits of relative closeness to an established colony.[20]


Robert Cushman and John Carver were sent to England to solicit a land patent. Their negotiations were delayed because of conflicts internal to the London Company, but ultimately a patent was secured in the name of John Wincob on June 9 (Old Style)/June 19 (New Style), 1619.[21] The charter was granted with the king's condition that the Leiden group's religion would not receive official recognition.[22]

Because of the continued problems within the London Company, preparations stalled. The congregation was approached by competing Dutch companies, and the possibility of settling in the Hudson River area was discussed with them.[22]

David Baeckelandt suggests that the Leiden group was approached by Englishman Matthew Slade, son-in-law of Petrus Placius, a cartographer for the Dutch East India Company. Slade was also a spy for the English Ambassador. The Separatists' plans were therefore known both at court, and among influential investors in the Virginia Company's Jamestown.[23] Negotiations with the Dutch were broken off at the encouragement of English merchant, Thomas Weston, who assured them that he could resolve the London Company delays.[24] The London Company intended to claim the area explored by Hudson[23] before the Dutch could become fully established. The first Dutch settlers did not arrive in the area until 1624.

Weston did come with a substantial change, telling the Leiden group that parties in England had obtained a land grant north of the existing Virginia territory, to be called New England. This was only partially true; the new grant would come to pass, but not until late in 1620 when the Plymouth Council for New England received its charter. It was expected that this area could be fished profitably, and it was not under the control of the existing Virginia government.[24][25]

A second change was known only to parties in England who chose not to inform the larger group. New investors who had been brought into the venture wanted the terms altered so that at the end of the seven-year contract, half of the settled land and property would revert to them; and that the provision for each settler to have two days per week to work on personal business was dropped.[24]

Brewster's diversion

Amid these negotiations, William Brewster found himself involved with religious unrest emerging in Scotland. In 1618, James had promulgated the Five Articles of Perth, which were seen in Scotland as an attempt to encroach on their Presbyterian tradition. Pamphlets critical of this law were published by Brewster and smuggled into Scotland by April 1619. These pamphlets were traced back to Leiden, and a failed attempt to apprehend Brewster was made in July when his presence in England became known.

Also in July in Leiden, English ambassador Dudley Carleton became aware of the situation and began leaning on the Dutch government to extradite Brewster. An arrest was made in September, but only Thomas Brewer, the financier, was in custody. Brewster's whereabouts between then and the colonists' departure remain unknown. Brewster's type was seized. After several months of delay, Brewer was sent to England for questioning, where he stonewalled government officials until well into 1620. One resulting concession that England did obtain from the Netherlands was a restriction on the press that would make such publications illegal to produce.

Thomas Brewer was ultimately convicted in England for his continued religious publication activities and sentenced in 1626 to a fourteen-year prison term.[26]


Not all of the congregation would be able to depart on the first trip. Many members would not be able to settle their affairs within the time constraints, and the budget for travel and supplies was limited. It was decided that the initial settlement should be undertaken primarily by younger and stronger members. The remainder agreed to follow if and when they could.

Robinson would remain in Leiden with the larger portion of the congregation, and Brewster was to lead the American congregation. While the church in America would be run independently, it was agreed that membership would automatically be granted in either congregation to members who moved between the continents.

With personal and business matters agreed upon, supplies and a small ship were procured. Speedwell was to bring some passengers from the Netherlands to England, then on to America where it would be kept for the fishing business, with a crew hired for support services during the first year. A second, larger, ship, Mayflower, was leased for transport and exploration services.[24][27]


Model of a typical merchantman of the period, showing the cramped conditions that had to be endured.

In July 1620, Speedwell, at sixty tons, was originally named Swiftsure, built in 1577 and was part of the English fleet that defeated the Spanish Armada, departed Delfshaven with the Leiden colonists, after a canal ride from Leyden of about seven hours.[28] Reaching Southampton, Hampshire, they met with Mayflower and the additional colonists hired by the investors. With final arrangements made, the two vessels set out on August 5 (Old Style)/August 15 (New Style).[27]

Soon thereafter, the Speedwell crew reported that their ship was taking in water, so both were diverted to Dartmouth, Devon. There it was inspected for leaks and sealed, but a second attempt to depart also failed, bringing them only so far as Plymouth, Devon. It was decided that Speedwell was untrustworthy, and it was sold; the ship's master and some of the crew transferred to the Mayflower for the trip. While observing that the Speedwell seemed "overmasted", thus putting a strain on the hull, William Bradford attributed her leaking to crew members that had deliberately caused it, allowing them to abandon their year-long commitments. Passenger Robert Cushman wrote that the leaking was caused by a loose board.[29]

Atlantic crossing

Of the 120 combined passengers, 102 were chosen to travel on the Mayflower with the supplies consolidated. Of these, about half had come by way of Leiden, and about 28 of the adults were members of the congregation.[30] The reduced party finally sailed successfully on September 6 (Old Style)/September 16 (New Style), 1620.

Initially the trip went smoothly, but under way they were met with strong winds and storms. One of these caused a main beam to crack, and although they were more than half the way to their destination, the possibility of turning back was considered. Using a "great iron screw" (probably a jack to be used for house construction or a cider press)[31] brought along by the colonists, they repaired the ship sufficiently to continue. One passenger, John Howland, was washed overboard in the storm but caught a top-sail halyard trailing in the water and was pulled back on board.

One crew member and one passenger died before they reached land. A child was born at sea and named Oceanus.[32][33]

Arrival in America

Landing of the Pilgrims by Michele Felice Cornè, circa 1805. Displayed in the White House
1620 place names mentioned by Bradford

Land was sighted on November 9, 1620. The passengers who had endured miserable conditions for about sixty-five days were led by William Brewster in Psalm 100 as a prayer of thanksgiving. It was confirmed that the area was Cape Cod, within the New England territory recommended by Weston. An attempt was made to sail the ship around the cape towards the Hudson River, also within the New England grant area, but they encountered shoals and difficult currents around Cape Malabar (the old French name for present-day Monomoy). It was decided to turn around, and by November 11/November 12 the ship was anchored in what is today known as Provincetown Harbor.[32][34]

Mayflower Compact

With the charter for the Plymouth Council for New England incomplete by the time the colonists departed England (it would be granted while they were in transit, on November 3/November 13),[25] they arrived without a patent; the older Wincob patent was from their abandoned dealings with the London Company. Some of the passengers, aware of the situation, suggested that without a patent in place, they were free to do as they chose upon landing and ignore the contract with the investors.[35][36]

To address this issue, a brief contract, later to be known as the Mayflower Compact, was drafted promising cooperation among the settlers "for the general good of the Colony unto which we promise all due submission and obedience." It organized them into what was called a "civil Body Politick," in which issues would be decided by that key ingredient of democracy, voting. It was ratified by majority rule, with 41 adult male Pilgrims signing [37] for the 102 passengers, seventy-three males and twenty-nine females. There were included in the company nineteen male servants and three female servants, along with some sailors and craftsmen hired for short-term service to the colony.[38] At this time, John Carver was chosen as the colony's first governor. It was Carver who had chartered the Mayflower, and being the most respected and affluent member of the group, his is the first signature on the Mayflower Compact. The Mayflower Compact was the seed of American democracy and has been called the world's first written constitution.[39][40]

First landings

Thorough exploration of the area was delayed for over two weeks because the shallop or pinnace (a smaller sailing vessel) they brought had been partially dismantled to fit aboard the Mayflower and was further damaged in transit. Small parties, however, waded to the beach to fetch firewood and attend to long-deferred personal hygiene.

While awaiting the shallop, exploratory parties led by Myles Standish—an English soldier the colonists had met while in Leiden—and Christopher Jones were undertaken. They encountered an old European-built house and iron kettle, left behind by some ship's crew, and a few recently cultivated fields, showing corn [41] stubble of previous month.

An artificial mound was found near the dunes, which they partially uncovered and found to be a Native grave. Further along, a similar mound, more recently made, was found, and as the colonists feared they might otherwise starve, they ventured to remove some of the provisions which had been placed in the grave. Baskets of maize were found inside, some of which the colonists took and placed into an iron kettle they also found nearby, while they reburied the rest, intending to use the corn as seed for planting.

William Bradford later recorded in his book, "Of Plymouth Plantation", that after the shallop had been repaired,

They also found two of the Indian's houses covered with mats, and some of their implements in them; but the people had run away and could not be seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various colours. These they brought away, intending to give them full satisfaction (repayment) when they should meet with any of them, – as about six months afterwards they did.

And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, and a great mercy to this poor people, that they thus got seed to plant corn the next year, or they might have starved; for they had none, nor any likelihood of getting any, till too late for the planting season.

By December, most of the passengers and crew had become ill, coughing violently. Many were also suffering from the effects of scurvy. There had already been ice and snowfall, hampering exploration efforts. During the first winter, 50% of them died.[citation needed]

First contact

Explorations resumed on December 6/December 16. The shallop party—seven colonists from Leiden, three from London, and seven crew—headed south along the cape and chose to land at the area inhabited by the Nauset people (roughly, present-day Brewster, Chatham, Eastham, Harwich and Orleans), where they saw some native people on the shore, who fled when the colonists approached. Inland they found more mounds, one containing acorns, which they exhumed and left, and more graves, which they decided not to dig.

Remaining ashore overnight, they heard cries near the encampment. The following morning, they were met by native people who proceeded to shoot at them with arrows. The colonists retrieved their firearms and shot back, then chased the native people into the woods but did not find them. There was no more contact with native people for several months.[42]

The local people were already familiar with the English, who had intermittently visited the area for fishing and trade before Mayflower arrived. In the Cape Cod area, relations were poor following a visit several years earlier by Thomas Hunt. Hunt kidnapped twenty people from Patuxet (the place that would become New Plymouth) and another seven from Nausett, and he attempted to sell them as slaves in Europe. One of the Patuxet abductees was Squanto, who would become an ally of the Plymouth colony. The Pokanoket, who also lived nearby, had developed a particular dislike for the English after one group came in, captured numerous people, and shot them aboard their ship. There had by this time already been reciprocal killings at Martha's Vineyard and Cape Cod. But during one of the captures by the English, Squanto escaped to England and there became a Christian. When he came back he found that most of his tribe died from plague.[36][43]

Samuel de Champlain's 1605 map of Plymouth Harbor, showing Wampanoag village Patuxet, with some modern place names added for reference. The star is the approximate location of the 1620 English settlement.


Continuing westward, the shallop's mast and rudder were broken by storms, and their sail was lost. Rowing for safety, they encountered the harbor formed by the current Duxbury and Plymouth barrier beaches and stumbled on land in the darkness. They remained at this spot—Clark's Island—for two days to recuperate and repair equipment. Clark's Island was named for a Mayflower mate who first set foot on that island.[44]

Resuming exploration on Monday, December 11/December 21, 1620, the party crossed over to the mainland and surveyed the area that ultimately became the settlement. The anniversary of this survey is observed in Massachusetts as Forefathers' Day and is traditionally associated with the Plymouth Rock landing legend. This land was especially suited to winter building because the land had already been cleared, and the tall hills provided a good defensive position.

The cleared village, known as Patuxet to the Wampanoag people, was abandoned about three years earlier following a plague that killed all of its residents. Because the disease involved hemorrhaging,[45] the "Indian fever" is assumed to have been fulminating smallpox introduced by European traders. The outbreak had been severe enough that the colonists discovered unburied skeletons in abandoned dwellings.[46] With the local population in such a weakened state, the colonists faced no resistance to settling there.

The exploratory party returned to Mayflower, anchored twenty-five miles away,[47] having been brought to the harbor on December 16/December 26. Only nearby sites were evaluated, with a hill in Plymouth (so named on earlier charts)[48] chosen on December 19/December 29.

Construction commenced immediately, with the first common house, twenty feet square built for general use,[49] nearly completed by January 9/January 19. At this point, single men were ordered to join with one of the nineteen families, in order to eliminate the need to build any more houses than absolutely necessary.[49] Each extended family was assigned a plot one-half rod wide and three rods long for each household member,[49] then built its own dwelling. Supplies were brought ashore, and the settlement was mostly complete by early February.[42][50]

When the first house was finished, it immediately became a hospital for the ill Pilgrims. By the end of February, with deaths still rising, thirty-one of the company were dead. Coles Hill, a prominence above the beach, became the first cemetery with the graves allowed to overgrow with grass for fear the Indians would discover how weakened the settlement had actually become.[51]

Between the landing and March, only 47 colonists had survived the diseases they contracted on the ship.[51] During the worst of the sickness, only six or seven of the group were able and willing to feed and care for the rest. In this time, half the Mayflower crew also died.[36]

William Bradford became governor in 1621 upon the death of John Carver. On March 22, 1621, the Pilgrims of Plymouth Colony signed a peace treaty with Massasoit of the Wampanoags. The patent of Plymouth Colony was surrendered by Bradford to the freemen in 1640, minus a small reserve of three tracts of land. Bradford served for eleven consecutive years, and was elected to various other terms until his death in 1657.

The colony contained roughly what is now Bristol County, Plymouth County, and Barnstable County, Massachusetts.

When the Massachusetts Bay Colony was reorganized and issued a new charter as the Province of Massachusetts Bay in 1691, Plymouth ended its history as a separate colony.


Bradford's history

The first use of the word pilgrims for the Mayflower passengers appeared in William Bradford's Of Plymouth Plantation. As he finished recounting his group's July 1620 departure from Leiden, Bradford used the imagery of Hebrews 11:13–16 about Old Testament "strangers and pilgrims" who had the opportunity to return to their old country but instead longed for a better, heavenly country. Bradford wrote:

So they lefte [that] goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place, nere 12 years; but they knew they were pilgrimes, & looked not much on these things; but lift up their eyes to ye heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits.[27]

For over a century and a half after Bradford wrote this passage, there is no record of Pilgrims being used to describe Plymouth's founders, except when quoting Bradford. When the Mayflower's story was retold by historians Nathaniel Morton (in 1669) and Cotton Mather (in 1702), both paraphrased Bradford's passage and used Bradford's word pilgrims. At Plymouth's Forefathers' Day observance in 1793, Rev. Chandler Robbins recited this passage from Bradford.[52]

Popular use

The name Pilgrims was probably not in popular use before about 1798. Even though Plymouth celebrated Forefathers' Day several times between 1769 and 1798, and used a variety of terms to honor Plymouth's founders, Pilgrims was not mentioned, other than in Robbins' 1793 recitation.[53] The first documented use of Pilgrims (that was not simply quoting Bradford) was at a December 22, 1798, celebration of Forefathers' Day in Boston. A song composed for the occasion used the word Pilgrims, and the participants drank a toast to "The Pilgrims of Leyden".[54][55] The term was used prominently during Plymouth's next Forefather's Day celebration in 1800, and was used in Forefathers' Day observances thereafter.[56]

By the 1820s, the term Pilgrims was becoming more common. Daniel Webster repeatedly referred to "the Pilgrims" in his December 22, 1820, address for Plymouth's bicentennial, which was widely read.[57] Harriet Vaughan Cheney used it in her 1824 novel A Peep at the Pilgrims in Sixteen Thirty-Six, and the term also gained popularity with the 1825 publication of Felicia Hemans's classic poem, "The Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers".[58]

See also



  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 1.
  2. Brown (1891), pp. 181–182.
  3. 3.0 3.1 UK CPI inflation numbers based on data available from Gregory Clark (2015), "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)" MeasuringWorth.
  4. "The Bawdy Court: Exhibits – Belief and Persecution". University of Nottingham. Retrieved November 23, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  5. Luckock, Herbert Mortimer (1882). Studies in the History of the Book of Common Prayer. London: Rivingtons. p. 219. OCLC 1071106. Retrieved November 23, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  6. Sheils, William Joseph (2004). "Matthew, Tobie (1544?–1628)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  7. "English Dissenters: Barrowists". Ex Libris. January 1, 2008. Retrieved November 23, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  8. Bassetlaw Museum. "Bassetlaw, Pilgrim Fathers Country". Retrieved November 23, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  9. Brown (1891), p. 181.
  10. "Brewster, William". Encyclopædia Britannica (11 ed.). Cambridge University Press. 1911.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  11. Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 2.
  12. The Columbia Encyclopedia. "Pilgrims". Retrieved November 23, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  13. John (1895). The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. Reprinted: 1970. Pasadena, Texas: Pilgrim Publications. pp. 118.
  14. Harreld, Donald. "The Dutch Economy in the Golden Age (16th – 17th Centuries)". Economic History Services. Retrieved November 11, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  15. "Contract of Sale, De Groene Poort". Leiden Pilgrim Archives. Archived from the original on October 13, 2007. Retrieved November 11, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  16. Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 3.
  17. Griffis (1899), pp. 561–562.
  18. 18.0 18.1 18.2 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 4.
  19. Winslow (2003), pp. 62–63.
  20. Brown, John (1970). The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. Pasadena, Texas: Pilgrim Publications. pp. 194.
  21. Kingsbury, Susan Myra, ed. (1906). The Records of the Virginia Company of London. 1. Washington, D.C.: United States Government Printing Office. p. 228. Retrieved November 11, 2008.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  22. 22.0 22.1 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 5.
  23. 23.0 23.1 Baeckelandt, David. "The Flemish Influence On Henry Hudson", The Brussels Journal, January 1, 2011
  24. 24.0 24.1 24.2 24.3 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 6.
  25. 25.0 25.1 "The Charter of New England: 1620". The Avalon Project. New Haven: Yale Law School. Retrieved November 11, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  26. Griffis (1899), p. 575.
  27. 27.0 27.1 27.2 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapter 7.
  28. Brown, John (1895). The Pilgrim Fathers of New England and their Puritan Successors. Reprinted: 1970. Pasadena, Texas: Pilgrim Publications. pp. 185.
  29. Ames, Azel. The Mayflower and her Log, New York: Houghton, Miflin (1907)
  30. Deetz, Patricia Scott; Deetz, James F. "Passengers on the Mayflower: Ages & Occupations, Origins & Connections". The Plymouth Colony Archive Project. Retrieved November 10, 2008.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  31. Bangs, Jeremy Dupertuis (Winter 2003). "Pilgrim Life: Two Myths — Ancient and Modern". New England Ancestors. Boston: New England Historic Genealogical Society. 4 (1): 52–55. ISSN 1527-9405. OCLC 43146397.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  32. 32.0 32.1 Bradford (1898), Book 1, Chapters 8–9.
  33. Fleming, Thomas (1963). One Small Candle. New York: W.W. Norton. pp. 89–90.<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
  34. Winslow (2003), p. 64.
  35. Bradford and Winslow (1865), pp. 5–6.
  36. 36.0 36.1 36.2 Bradford (1898), Book 2, Anno 1620.
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  55. "Toasts Drank at the Celebration of Our Country's Nativity". Massachusetts Mercury. Boston. December 28, 1798. pp. 2, 4. |access-date= requires |url= (help)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>
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  58. Wolfson, Susan J., ed. (2000). Felicia Hemans. Princeton: Princeton University Press. pp. 416–417. ISBN 978-0-691-05029-4.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)<templatestyles src="Module:Citation/CS1/styles.css"></templatestyles>

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