Russians in Ukraine

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Russians in Ukraine
Ukrainian: Росіяни в Україні
Rosiyany v Ukrayini
Russian: Русские в Украине
Russkiye v Ukrainye
Total population
(In the 2001 Ukrainian census, 8,334,100 identified themselves as ethnic Russians
(17.3% of the population of Ukraine).[1])
Regions with significant populations
Donbass, Crimea
Flag of Donetsk Oblast.svg Donetsk Oblast 1,844,399 (2001)
Flag of Crimea.svg Crimea (w/o Sevastopol) 1,180,441 (2001)
Flag of Luhansk Oblast.svg Luhansk Oblast 991,825 (2001)
Flag of Kharkiv Oblast.svg Kharkiv Oblast 742,025 (2001)
Flag of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.svg Dnipropetrovsk Oblast 627,531 (2001)
Flag of Odesa Oblast.svg Odessa Oblast 508,537 (2001)
Flag of Zaporizhia Oblast.svg Zaporizhia Oblast 476,748 (2001)
Flag of Kyiv Kurovskyi.svg Kyiv 337,323 (2001)
Flag of Sevastopol.svg Sevastopol 269,953 (2001)
Ukraine other regions of Ukraine 1,355,359 (2001)
Languages
Russian (95.9%, 2001) • Ukrainian (54.8%, 2001)
Religion
Predominantly Russian Orthodox. Some are Old Believers (a relatively small group of Orthodox Christians). A small minority are Protestants. Many consider themselves Agnostics or Atheists.
Related ethnic groups
Slavic people (East Slavs, West Slavs, South Slavs)

Russians in Ukraine (Ukrainian: Росіяни в Україні, Rosiyany v Ukrayini; Russian: Русские в Украине, Russkiye v Ukrainye) — the largest ethnic minority in the country, which community forms the largest single Russian diaspora in the world. In the 2001 Ukrainian census, 8,334,100 identified as ethnic Russians (17.3% of the population of Ukraine), this is the combined figure for persons originating from outside of Ukraine and the native population declaring Russian ethnicity.[1]

Geography

Ethnic Russians live throughout Ukraine. They comprise a notable fraction of the overall population in the east and south, a significant minority in the center, and larger minority in the west.[1]

The west and the center of the country feature a higher percentage Russians in the cities and industrial centers and a much smaller percentage in the overwhelmingly Ukrainophone rural areas.[1] Due to the concentration of the Russians in the cities, as well as for the historic reasons, most of the large cities in the center and the south-east of the country (including Kiev where Russians amount to 13.1% of the population)[1] remained largely Russophone as of 2003.[2]

According to the 2001 Ukrainian Census the percentage of Russian population tends to be higher in the east and south in the country.[1]

The traditionally mixed Russo-Ukrainian populated territories are mainly the historic South-Eastern Ukraine and Slobozhanshchina (Sloboda Ukraine) - now both split between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. Russians also constitute the majority of the population of Crimea,[1] the southern peninsula which the Soviet government transferred from the Russian SFSR to the Ukrainian SSR in 1954.

History

Early history

One of the most prominent Russians in the Medieval Ukraine (at that time Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) was Ivan Fyodorov who published the Ostrog Bible and called himself a Muscovite.

In 1599 Tsar Boris Godunov ordered the construction of Tsareborisov on the banks of Oskol River, the first city and the first fortress in Eastern Ukraine. To defend the territory from Tatar raids the Russians built the Belgorod defensive line (1635–1658), and Ukrainians started fleeing to be under its defense.

More Russian speakers appeared in northern, central and eastern Ukrainian territories during the late 17th century, following the Cossack Rebellion led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. The Uprising led to a massive movement of Ukrainian settlers to the Slobozhanschyna region, which converted it from a sparsely inhabited frontier area to one of the major populated regions of the Tsardom of Russia. Following the Treaty of Pereyaslav, Ukrainian Cossacks lands, including the modern northern and eastern parts of Ukraine became a protectorate of the into the Tsardom of Russia. This brought the first significant, but still small, wave of Russian settlers into central Ukraine (primarily several thousand soldiers stationed in garrisons,[3] out of a population of approximately 1.2 million non-Russians).[4]

A map of what was known as Novorossiya (New Russia) during the Russian Empire. note: the map shows only the part which is today in Ukraine and Moldova

At the end of the 18th century, the Russian Empire captured large uninhabited steppe territories from the former Crimean Khanate. The systematic colonization of lands in what became known as Novorossiya (mainly Crimea, Taurida and around Odessa) began. Migrants from many ethnic groups (predominantly Ukrainians and Russians from Russia proper) came to this area.[5] At the same time the discovery of coal in the Donets Basin also marked the commencement of a large-scale industrialization and an influx of workers from other parts of the Russian Empire.

Nearly all of the major cities of the southern and eastern Ukraine were established in this period: Aleksandrovsk (now Zaporizhia; 1770), Yekaterinoslav (now Dnipropetrovsk; 1776), Kherson and Mariupol (1778), Sevastopol (1783), Simferopol and Novoaleksandrovka (Melitopol) (1784), Nikolayev (Mykolaiv; 1789), Odessa (1794), Lugansk (Luhansk; foundation of Luhansk plant in 1795).

Both Russians and Ukrainians made up the bulk of the migrants — 31.8% and 42.0% respectively.[citation needed] The population of Novorossiya eventually became intermixed, and with Russification being the state policy, the Russian identity dominated in mixed families and communities. The Russian Empire officially regarded Ukrainians, Russians and Belarusians as Little, Great and White Russians, which, according to the theory officially accepted in the Imperial Russia, belonged to a single Russian nation, the descendants of the people of the Rus'.[citation needed]

In the beginning of the 20th century the Russians were the largest ethnic group in the following cities: Kiev (54,2%), Kharkov (63,1%), Odessa (49,09%), Nikolaev (66,33%), Mariupol (63,22%), Lugansk (68,16%), Berdiansk (66,05%), Kherson (47,21%), Melitopol (42,8%), Yekaterinoslav (41,78%), Yelisavetgrad (34,64%), Pavlograd (34,36%), Simferopol (45,64%), Feodosiya (46,84%), Yalta (66,17%), Kerch (57,8%), Sevastopol (63,46%), Cuguev (86%).[6]

Russian Civil War in Ukraine

The first Russian Empire Census, conducted in 1897, showed extensive usage (and in some cases dominance) of the Little Russian, a contemporary term for the Ukrainian language,[7] in the nine south-western Governorates and the Kuban. Thus, when the Central Rada officials were outlining the future borders of the new Ukrainian state they took the results of the census in regards to the language and religion as determining factors. The ethnographic borders of Ukraine thus turned out to be almost twice as large as the original Bohdan Khmelnytsky State incorporated into Russian Empire during 17-18th centuries.[8]

During the World War I, strong national movement managed to obtain some autonomous rights from the Russian government in Saint Petersburg. However, the October Revolution brought big changes for the new Russian Republic. Ukraine became a battleground between the two main Russian war factions during the Russian Civil War (1918–1922), the Communist Reds (Red Army) and the Monarchist Whites (Volunteer Army).

The October Revolution also found its echo amongst the extensive working class, and several Soviet Republics were formed by Bolsheviks in Ukraine: the Ukrainian People's Socialist Republic, Soviet Socialist Republic of Taurida, Odessa Soviet Republic and the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic.

The Russian SFSR government supported military intervention against the Ukrainian People's Republic, which at different periods controlled most of the territory of present-day Ukraine with the exception of Crimea and Western Ukraine.[4] Although there were differences between Ukrainian Bolsheviks initially,[9] which resulted in proclamation of several Soviet Republics in 1917, later, due in large part to pressure from Vladimir Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders, one Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic was proclaimed.

The Ukrainian SSR was de jure a separate state until the formation of the USSR in 1922 and survived until the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Lenin insisted that ignoring the national question in Ukraine would endanger the support of the Revolution among the Ukrainian population and thus new borders of Soviet Ukraine were established to the extent that the Ukrainian People's Republic was claiming in 1918.[4] The new borders completely included Novorossiya (including the short-lived Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Soviet Republic) and other neighboring provinces, which contained a substantial number of ethnic Russians.

Early Soviet times

In his 1923 speech devoted to the national and ethnic issues in the party and state affairs, Joseph Stalin identified several obstacles in implementing the national program of the party. Those were the "dominant-nation chauvinism", "economic and cultural inequality" of the nationalities and the "survivals of nationalism among a number of nations which have borne the heavy yoke of national oppression".[10]

In Ukraine's case, both threats came, respectfully, from the south and the east: Novorossiya with its historically strong Russian cultural influence, and the traditional Ukrainian center and west. These considerations brought about a policy of Ukrainization, to simultaneously break the remains of the Great Russian attitude and to gain popularity among the Ukrainian population, thus recognizing their dominance of the republic.[11]

Ukrainian language was mandatory for most jobs, and its teaching became compulsory in every school.

By the early-1930s attitudes towards the policy of Ukrainization had changed within the Soviet leadership. In 1933 Stalin declared that local nationalism was the main threat to Soviet unity.[4] Consequently, many changes introduced during the Ukrainization period were reversed: Russian language schools, libraries and newspapers were restored and even increased in number. Changes were brought territorially as well, forcing the Ukrainian SSR to cede some territories to the RSFSR. During this period parents in the Ukrainian SSR could choose to send their children whose native language was not Ukrainian to schools with Russian as the primary language of instruction.

Later Soviet times

The territory of Ukraine was a battlefield during the World War II, and its population, including Russians, significantly decreased. The infrastructure was heavily damaged and it required human and capital resources to be rebuilt. This compounded with depopulation caused by two famines of 1931–1932 and a third in 1947 to leave the territory with a greatly reduced population. A large portion of the wave of new migrants to industrialize, integrate and Sovietize the recently acquired western Ukrainian territories were ethnic Russians who mostly settled around industrial centers and military garrisons.[12] This increased the proportion of the Russian speaking population.

Near the end of the War, the entire population of Crimean Tatars (numbering up to a quarter of a million) was expelled from their homeland in Crimea to Central Asia, under accusations of collaborations with Germans.[13][14] The Crimea was repopulated by the new wave of Russian and Ukrainian settlers and the Russian proportion of the population of Crimea went up significantly (from 47.7% in 1937 to 61.6% in 1993) and the Ukrainian proportion doubled (12.8% in 1937 and 23.6% in 1993).[15]

The Ukrainian language remained a mandatory subject of study in all Russian schools, but in many government offices preference was given to the Russian language that gave an additional impetus to the advancement of Russification. The 1979 census showed that only one third of ethnic Russians spoke the Ukrainian language fluently.[4]

In 1954, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued the decree on the transfer of the Crimean Oblast from the Russian SFSR to the Ukrainian SSR. This action increased the ethnic Russian population of Ukraine by almost a million people. Many Russian politicians considered the transfer to be controversial.[16] Controversies and legality of the transfer remained a sore point in relations between Ukraine and Russia for a few years, and in particular in the internal politics in Crimea. However, in a 1997 treaty between the Russian Federation and Ukraine, Russia recognized Ukraine's borders and accepted Ukraine's sovereignty over Crimea.[4]

Ukraine after the dissolution of the Soviet Union

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Further information: Russia–Ukraine relations

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File:Росзарубежцентр в Киеве.jpg
Russian scientific and cultural center in Kiev

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Ukraine became an independent state. This independence was supported by the referendum in all regions of Ukrainian SSR, including those with large Russian populations.[17] A study of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine found that in 1991, 75% of ethnic Russians in Ukraine no longer identified themselves with the Russian nation.[18] In the December 1991 Ukrainian independence referendum 55% of the ethnic Russians in Ukraine voted for independence.[19]

The return of Crimean Tatars has resulted in several high-profile clashes over land ownership and employment rights.[20]

Currently[citation needed] many ethnic Russians in Ukraine feel pressured by the state policy of Ukrainization. Much controversy has surrounded the reduction of schools with Russian as their main language of instruction. In 1989, there were 4633 schools with Russian as the main instruction language, and by 2001 this number fell to 2001 schools or 11.8% of the total in the country.[21] A significant number of these Russian schools were converted into schools in with both Russian and Ukrainian language classes. By 2007, 20% of pupils in public schools studied in Russian classes.[22]

Some regions such as Rivne Oblast have no schools with Russian only instruction left, but only Russian classes provided in the mixed Russian-Ukrainian schools.[23] As of May, 2007, only seven schools with Russian as the main language of instruction are left in Kiev, with 17 more mixed language schools totaling 8,000 pupils,[24] with the rest of the pupils attending the schools with Ukrainian being the only language of instruction. Among the latter pupils, 45,700 (or 18% of the total) study the Russian language as a separate subject[24] in the largely Russophone Ukrainian capital,[2][25] although an estimated 70 percent of Ukraine's population nationwide consider that Russian should be taught at secondary schools along with Ukrainian.[26]

The Russian Cultural Center in Lviv has been attacked and vandalized on several occasions. On January 22, 1992 it was raided by UNA-UNSO led by the member of Lviv Oblast Council.[27] UNA-UNSO members searched the building, partially destroyed archives and pushed people out from the building.[27] Their attackers declared that everything in Ukraine belonged to the Ukrainians, so the Moskals and the kikes were not allowed to reside or have property there.[27] The building was vandalized during the Papal Visit to Lviv in 2001,[28] then in 2003 (5 times),[29][30] 2004 (during the Orange Revolution[31]), 2005,[32][33] 2006.[34]

Pro-Russian protesters remove a Ukrainian flag and replace it with a Russian flag in front of the Donetsk Oblast Regional State Administration building during the 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine.

After the Euromaidan events,[35] regions with a large ethnic Russian population started anti-Maidan protest and separatist activity. After the new government cancelled the Legislation on languages in Ukraine, which allowed Russian language to be used on official level in areas where Russian-speakers formed a majority. The Supreme Council of Crimea announced the Crimean referendum, 2014, and sent a request to Russia to send military forces into the Crimea to "protect" the local population from the right-wing Euromaidan protesters, which marked the beginning of the 2014 Crimean crisis. Major Anti-Maidan protests took place in other Russian speaking major cities like Donetsk, Odessa, and Kharkiv. The council of the Donetsk Oblast voted to have a referendum to decide the future of the oblast.[36]

On 3 March, a number of people started storming Donetsk Oblast administrative building, waving Russian flags and shouting ″Russia!″ and ″Berkut are heroes!″. The police did not offer resistance.[37] The council of Luhansk Oblast voted to demand giving Russian language the status of second official language, stopping ″persecution of Berkut fighters″, disarming Maidan self-defense units and banning a number far-right political organizations like Svoboda and UNA-UNSO. If the authorities failed to comply with the demands, the Oblast council reserved itself the ″right to ask for help from the brotherly people of the Russian Federation.″[38]

The anti-Maidan protests evolved into the 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine.[citation needed] The result of the Crimean referendum, 2014 was 97.47% for joining the Russian Federation.[39]

The pro-Russian protests in Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of the 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine escalated into an armed separatist insurgency.[40][41][42] This led the Ukrainian government to launch a military counter-offensive against the insurgents in April 2014, which resulted in the ongoing War in Donbass.[43] During this war heavy shelling accorded in Luhansk and Donetsk,[44][45] cities with a large ethnic Russian population.[46] According to the United Nations, 730,000 refugees from the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts have fled to Russia since the beginning of 2014.[47] By late September 2015 nearly 8,000 people had died in the two oblasts because of the War in Donbass.[48]

Lack of discrimination

In total, according to a 2007 country-wide survey by the Institute of Sociology, only 0.5% of the respondents describe as belonging to a group that faces discrimination by language.[49] Furthermore, in a poll held October 2008, 42.8% of the Ukrainian respondents said they regard Russia as “very good” while 44.9% said their attitude was “good" (87% positive).[50]

Pro-Russian activists in Odessa, March 2014

According to the Institute of Sociology surveys conducted yearly between 1995 and 2005, the percentage of respondents who have encountered cases of ethnic-based discrimination against Russians during the preceding year has consistently been low (mostly in single digits), with no noticeable difference when compared with the number of incidents directed against any other nation, including the Ukrainians and the Jews.[51] According to the 2007 Comparative Survey of Ukraine and Europe only 0.1% of Ukrainian residents consider themselves belonging to a group which is discriminated by nationality.[49]

Similarly, the surveys indicate that Russians are not socially distanced in Ukraine. The indicator of the willingness of Ukraine's residents to participate in social contacts of varying degrees of closeness with different ethnic groups (the Bogardus Social Distance Scale) calculated based on the yearly sociological surveys has been consistently showing that Russians are, on the average, least socially distanced within Ukraine except the Ukrainians themselves.[52] The same survey has shown that, in fact, that Ukrainian people are slightly more comfortable accepting Russians into their families than they are accepting Ukrainians living abroad.[52] Such social attitude correlates with the political one as the surveys taken yearly between 1997 and 2005 consistently indicated that the attitude to the idea of Ukraine joining the union of Russia and Belarus is more positive (slightly over 50%) than negative (slightly under 30%).[53]

Russophobia

The ultra-nationalist political party "Svoboda"[54] has invoked radical Russophobic rhetoric[55] and has electoral support enough to garner majority support in local councils,[56] as seen in the Ternopil regional council in Western Ukraine.[57] Oleh Tyahnybok, the leader of the "Svoboda" party, urged his party to fight "the Moscow-Jewish mafia" ruling Ukraine.[58] "Svoboda" members held senior positions in Ukraine's government in 2014.[59] But the party lost 30 seats of the 37 seats (its first seats in the Ukrainian Parliament[60]) it had won in the 2012 parliamentary election in the late October 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election[60] and did not return to Ukraine's government.[61]

Russian language

According to 2006 survey by Research & Branding Group (Donetsk) 39% of Ukrainian citizens think that the rights of the Russophones are violated because the Russian language is not official in the country, whereas 38% of the citizens have the opposite position.[62][63] According to annual surveys by the Institute of Sociology of the National Academy of Sciences 43.9% to 52.0% of the total population of Ukraine supports the idea of granting the status of state language to Russian.[26] At the same time, this is not viewed as an important issue by most Ukraine's citizens. On a cross-national survey involving ranking the 30 important political issues, the legal status of the Russian language was ranked 26th, with only 8% of respondents (concentrated primarily in Crimea and Donetsk) feeling that this was an important issue.[64]

Russian continues to dominate in several regions and in Ukrainian businesses, in leading Ukrainian magazines, and other printed media.[65] Russian language in Ukraine still dominates the everyday life in some areas of the country.

On February 23, 2014, the Ukrainian parliament adopted a bill to repeal the law on minority languages, which—if signed by the Ukrainian President—would have established Ukrainian as the sole official state language of all Ukraine, including Crimea which is populated by a Russian-speaking majority.[66] Repeal of the law was met with great disdain in Southern and Eastern Ukraine.[67] The Christian Science Monitor reported: "The [adoption of this bill] only served to infuriate Russian-speaking regions, [who] saw the move as more evidence that the antigovernment protests in Kiev that toppled Yanukovich's government were intent on pressing for a nationalistic agenda."[68] A proposal to repeal the law was vetoed on 28 February 2014 by acting President Oleksandr Turchynov.[69]

Authors

Some authors born in Ukraine who write in the Russian language, notably Marina and Sergey Dyachenko and Vera Kamsha, were born in Ukraine, but moved to Russia at some point.[citation needed]

Demographics

Trends

According to 2001 census the Russians are the largest ethnic group in Sevastopol (71.7%) and Autonomous republic of Crimea (58,5%), and also in some cities and raions: Donetsk (48.2%), Makiyivka (50.8%, Donetsk Oblast), Ternivka (52.9%, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast), Krasnodon (63.3%), Sverdlovsk (58.7%), Krasnodonskyi (51.7%) and Stanychno-Luhanskyi (61.1%) raions of Luhansk Oblast, Izmail (43.7%, Odessa oblast), Putyvlskyi Raion (51.6%, Sumy Oblast).[6]

Census year Total population
of Ukraine		 Russians  %
1922 29,018,187 2,677,166 9.2%
1939 30,946,218 4,175,299 13.4%
1959 41,869,046 7,090,813 16.9%
1970 47,126,517 9,126,331 19.3%
1979 49,609,333 10,471,602 21.1%
1989 51,452,034 11,355,582 22.1%
2001 48,457,000 8,334,100 17.2%

In general the population of ethnic Russians in Ukraine increased due to assimilation and in-migration (colonization) between 1897 and 1939 despite the famine war and Revolution. Since 1991 it has decreased drastically in all regions, both quantitatively and proportionally. Ukraine in general lost 3 million Russians, or a little over one-quarter of all Russians living there in the 10-year period between 1991 and 2001, dropping from over 22% of the population of Ukraine to just over 17%. In the past 15 years since 2001, a further drop of Russian numbers has continued.

Several factors have affected this – most Russians lived in urban centres in Soviet times and thus were hit the hardest by the economic hardships of the 1990s. Some chose to emigrate from Ukraine to (mostly) Russia or to the West. Finally some of those who were counted as Russians in Soviet times declared themselves Ukrainian during the last census.[70]

The Russian population is also hit by the factors that affected all the population of Ukraine, such as low birth rate and high death rate.[71]

Numbers

2001 census showed that 95.9% of Russians in Ukraine consider the Russian language to be native for them, 3.9% named the Ukrainian to be their native language.[72] The majority, 59.6%[73] of Ukrainian Russians were born in Ukraine. They constitute 22.4% of all urban population and 6.9% of rural population in the country.[73]

Women make up 55.1% of Russians, men are 44.9%.[73] The average age of Russians in Ukraine is 41.9 years.[73] The imbalance in sexual and age structure intensifies in western and central regions.[73] In these regions the Russians are concentrated in the industrial centers, particularly the oblast centres.[73]

Number of Russians by region(Oblast):

Oblast Number in 2001[74] Percent in 2001
Donetsk Oblast 1844.400 38,2
Dnipropetrovsk Oblast 627.500 17,6
Kiev 337.300 13,1
Kharkiv Oblast 742.000 25,6
Lviv Oblast 92.600 3,6
Odessa Oblast 508.500 20,7
Luhansk Oblast 991.800 39,0
Autonomous Republic of Crimea 1180.400 58,3
Zaporizhia Oblast 476.800 24,7
Kiev Oblast 109.300 6,0
Vinnytsia Oblast 67.500 3,8
Poltava Oblast 117.100 7,2
Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast 24.900 1,8
Khmelnytskyi Oblast 50.700 3,6
Cherkasy Oblast 75.600 5,4
Zhytomyr Oblast 68.900 5,0
Zakarpattia Oblast 31.000 2,5
Mykolaiv Oblast 177.500 14,1
Rivne Oblast 30.100 2,6
Sumy Oblast 121.700 9,4
Chernihiv Oblast 62.200 5,0
Kherson Oblast 165.200 14,1
Ternopil Oblast 14.200 1,2
Volyn Oblast 25.100 2,4
Kirovohrad Oblast 83.900 7,5
Chernivtsi Oblast 37.900 4,1
Sevastopol 270.000 71,6

Religion

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Main article: Religion in Ukraine

The majority of the Russians are Christians of the Eastern Orthodox Faith and predominantly belong to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church,[citation needed] a former Ukrainian exarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church, which received an ecclesiastical Autonomy from the latter on October 27, 1990.[75]

There are small minorities of Old Believers, notably Lipovans, as well as Protestants and Catholics among Russians. In addition, there is a sizable portion of those who consider themselves atheists.[citation needed]

Politics

Elections

230px
Results of the 2007 parliamentary election showed that the Party of Regions maintained a stronghold in the southern and eastern regions.
230px
Results of the 2014 parliamentary election show that the Party of Regions successor Opposition Bloc was overrun by the non-pro-Russian Petro Poroshenko Bloc in southern regions.[76]

Political parties whose electoral platforms are crafted specifically to cater to the Russian voters' sentiments fared exceptionally well. Until the 2014 Ukrainian parliamentary election several of Ukraine's elections,[77] political parties that call for closer ties with Russia received a higher percentage of votes in the areas where Russian-speaking population predominate.

Parties like the Party of Regions, Communist Party of Ukraine and the Progressive Socialist Party were particularly popular in Crimea, Southern and Southeastern regions of Ukraine. In the 2002 parliamentary election, the mainstream Party of Regions, with a stronghold based on Eastern and Southern Ukraine came first with 32.14%, ahead of its two nationally conscious main rivals, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (22.29%) and Our Ukraine Bloc (13.95%), while also Russophile Communist Party of Ukraine collected 3.66% and the radically pro-Russian Nataliya Vitrenko Bloc 2.93% coming closest of the small parties to overcoming the 3% barrier.[78][79]

In the 2007 parliamentary election, the Party of Regions came first with 34.37% (losing 130.000 votes), the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc second with 31.71% (winning 1.5 million votes), the Our Ukraine–People's Self-Defense Bloc third with 14.15% (losing 238,000 votes), the Communist Party of Ukraine fourth with 5.39% (winning 327,000 votes) while the Nataliya Vitrenko Bloc dropped to 1.32%.[78][79] Although the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc attracted most of its voters from Western Ukrainian, Ukrainian-speaking provinces (Oblasts), it had in recent years recruited several politicians from Russian-speaking provinces like Crimea (Lyudmyla Denisova[80]) and Luhansk Oblast (Natalia Korolevska[81]). In the 2012 parliamentary election Party of Regions again won 30% and the largest number of seats while Fatherland (successor to Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc) came second with 25.54%.[82][83] The Communist Party of Ukraine raised its percentage of the votes in this election to 13.18%.[83]

In the 2014 parliamentary election the Party of Regions successor Opposition Bloc was overrun by the non-pro-Russian Petro Poroshenko Bloc in southern regions.[76] In the election Opposition Bloc scored 9.43%, finishing fourth.[84] Opposition Bloc gained most votes East Ukraine, but scored second best in former Party of Regions stronghold South Ukraine (trailing behind Petro Poroshenko Bloc).[85] The Communist Party of Ukraine was eliminated from representation in the election because it failed to overcome the 5% election threshold with its 3.87% of the votes.[86][87] Because of the War in Donbass and the unilateral annexation of Crimea by Russia elections were not held in Crimea and also not in large parts of Donbass, both were before stronghold of the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine.[88][89][90][91][92][93][94][82][90]

Pro-Russian movements in Ukraine

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See also: 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine

Whereas there are several political parties and movements in Ukraine that advocate a moderate pro-Russian policy, there are also a few pro-Russian political organizations that are considered radical by observers.[95][96] Many of them state their agenda as an opposition to Ukrainian independence and openly advocate for the restoration of the Russian Empire.[97] These movements are numerically small, but their impact on the society is easy to overestimate due to their vocal activity that generates much media coverage and commentary from politicians at the highest levels.[98][99]

The actions organized by these organizations are most visible in the Ukrainian part of historic Novorossiya (New Russia) in the south of Ukraine and in the Crimea, a region in which in some areas Russians are the largest ethnic group. As ethnic Russians constitute a significant part of the population in these largely Russophone parts of southern Ukraine (and a majority in the Crimea),[1] these territories maintain particularly strong historic ties with Russia on the human level. Thus, a stronger than elsewhere in the country pro-Russian political sentiment makes the area a more fertile ground for the radical pro-Russian movements that are not as common elsewhere in the country.

As of December 2009 clashes between Ukrainian nationalists and pro-Russian organisations do sometimes take place.[100]

Organizations

Among such movements are the youth organizations, the Proryv (literally the Breakthrough) and the Eurasian Youth Movement (ESM).[101] Both movements' registration and legal status have been challenged in courts; and the leader of Proryv, a Russian citizen, was expelled from Ukraine, declared persona non grata and barred from entering the country again.[citation needed] Alexander Dugin, the Moscow-based leader of the ESM and his associate Pavel Zariffulin have also been barred from travelling to Ukraine because of their involvement in the activities of these organizations, although bans have been later lifted and reinstated again.[102]

These movements openly state their mission as the disintegration of Ukraine and restoration of Russia within the borders of the former Russian Empire[97] and, reportedly, have received regular encouragement and monetary support from Russia's politically connected businessmen.[103] These organizations have been known not only for their pro-Russian activities, but have been also accused of organising massive acts of protest.[104]

The pro-Russian organization Proryv was involved in the 2006 anti-NATO protests in Crimea.[105] This photo taken on June 11, 2006 in Feodosiya features typical for this organization protesters' banners with pro-Russian and anti-Western rhetoric. Banners claim the solidarity of Bakhchisaray, Kerch, Odessa, Kharkov (Kharkiv) with Feodosian protesters. Others say: "The future of Ukraine is in the union with Russia", "Crimea and Russia: the strength lies in unity", "Russia – friend, NATO – enemy", "Shame to traitors."

Some observers point out the Russian government and the Russian Orthodox Church's support of these movements and parties in Ukraine, especially in Crimea.[106] The publications and protest actions of these organizations feature strongly pro-Russian and radically anti-NATO messages, invoking the rhetoric of "Ukrainian-Russian historic unity", "NATO criminality", and other similar claims.

Some observers link the resurgence of radical Russian organizations in Ukraine with Kremlin's fear that the Orange Revolution in Ukraine could be exported to Russia, and addressing that possibility has been at the forefront of these movements' activities.[107]

"Russian marches"

As a branch of a similar Russian organization the Eurasian Youth Union (ESM) has been organizing annual Russian Marches. The November 2006 "Russian march" in Kiev, the capital, gathered 40 participants, but after the participants attacked the riot police, it was forced to interfere and several participants from were arrested.[108] In Odessa and Crimean cities the November 2006 "Russian marches" drew more participants, with 150–200 participants in Odessa,[108] and 500 in Simferopol[108] and went more peacefully. The marchers were calling for the Ukrainian and Russian Orthodox Church unity as well as the national unity between Russia and Ukraine. In Odessa the march of about 200 people carried anti-Western, pro-Russian slogans and religious symbols.[109][110]

Pro-Ukrainian movements in Ukraine

In 2013 a social movement that appeared in the form of groups in social networks was formed around "Russians in Ukraine who are Ukrainian patriots and supporters of Ukrainian independence".[111] In the summer of 2014 this developed in an NGO called Russian-speaking Ukrainian Nationalists that among other things handed out pamphlets "to debunk the Soviet myths" about the Ukrainian Insurgent Army.[112][113][114]

See also

Footnotes and citations

  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 In the 2003 sociological survey in Kiev the answers to the question 'What language do you use in everyday life?' were distributed as follows: 'mostly Russian': 52%, 'both Russian and Ukrainian in equal measure': 32%, 'mostly Ukrainian': 14%, 'exclusively Ukrainian': 4.3%.
    Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found..
  3. ↑ Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Slobidska Ukraina Retrieved December 14, 2007
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 Ukraine: A History. Subtelny, Orest University of Toronto Press 2000, ISBN 0-8020-8390-0, 600
  5. ↑ V.M. Kabuzan: The settlement of Novorossiya (Yekaterinoslav and Taurida guberniyas) in 18th–19th centuries. Published by Nauka, Moscow, 1976. Available on-line at Dnipropetervosk Olbast Universal Science Library, Retrieved 15 November 2007
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів. Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 342 ISBN 966-7007-60-X
  7. ↑ 1897 Census on Demoscope.ru Retrieved on 20th May 2007.
  8. ↑ Stanislav Kulchitsky, "Empire and we", Den, Vol. 9, 26 Jan. 2006. Retrieved on 7 December 2014.
  9. ↑ Valeriy Soldatenko, "Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic — illusions and practicals of nihilism", Zerkalo Nedeli, December 4–10, 2004. In Russian, in Ukrainian.
  10. ↑ "National Factors in Party and State Affairs – Theses for the Twelfth Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), Approved by the Central Committee of the Party". URL
  11. ↑ For more information, see Ukrainization in the UkSSR (1923–1931)
  12. ↑ Терлюк І.Я. Росіяни західних областей України (1944—1996 р.р.) (Етносоціологічне дослідження). — Львів: Центр Європи, 1997.- С.25.
  13. ↑ J. Otto Pohl, "The Stalinist Penal System: A Statistical History of Soviet Repression and Terror, 1930–1953", McFarland, 1997, ISBN 0-7864-0336-5, Selected pages
  14. ↑ J. Otto Pohl, "Ethnic Cleansing in the USSR, 1937–1949, Greenwood, 1999, ISBN 0-313-30921-3, Selected pages
  15. ↑ Directory of resources on minority human rights and related problems of the transition period in Eastern and Central Europe. Demographic Balance and Migration Processes in Crimea. Retrieved June 3, 2007
  16. ↑ Our Security Predicament, Vladimir P. Lukin, Foreign Policy, No. 88 (Autumn, 1992), pp. 57–75
  17. ↑ Nationalist Mobilization and the Collapse of the Soviet State by Mark R. Beissinger, Cambridge University Press, 2002, ISBN 978-0-521-00148-9 (page 197)
  18. ↑ Ukraine:State and Nation Building by Taras Kuzio, Routledge, 1998, ISBN 978-0-415-17195-3 (page 92)
  19. ↑ The Return: Russia's Journey from Gorbachev to Medvedev by Daniel Treisman, Free Press, 2012, ISBN 1416560726 (page 178)
  20. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  21. ↑ A.Dokurcheva, E.Roberova, The use of Russian language in education in CIS and the Baltics, Retrieved on 12th December 2007
  22. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  23. ↑ В. В. Дубичинский, "Двуязычие в Украине?", Культура народов Причерноморья №60, Т.3, 6 – 9, (pdf)
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 Шестая часть киевских школьников изучает русский язык, Korrespondent.net, May 29, 2007
  25. ↑ According to a 2006 survey, Ukrainian is used at home by 23% of Kievans, as 52% use Russian and 24% switch between both.
    "Kiev: the city, its residents, problems of today, wishes for tomorrow.", Zerkalo Nedeli, April 29 – May 12, 2006. in Russian, in Ukrainian
  26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 Natalia Panina, "Ukrainian Society 1994–2005: Sociological Monitoring", Sophia, Kiev, 2005, ISBN 966-8075-61-7, (pdf), p. 58
  27. ↑ 27.0 27.1 27.2 Сокуров С. А. Очерки истории русского национально-культурного движения в Галиции (1988—1993 годы) — М.: "Клуб «Реалисты», 1999. — C. 8 ISBN 966-7617-65-3
  28. ↑ ГАНЕБНА ВИТІВКА Archived January 7, 2008 at the Wayback Machine
  29. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  30. ↑ Русский культурный центр во Львове расписали нехорошими словами Archived March 28, 2008 at the Wayback Machine
  31. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  32. ↑ Чия рука тягнеться по камінь? Archived June 25, 2008 at the Wayback Machine
  33. ↑ Вчинено черговий акт вандалізму на Російський культурний центр у Львові Archived January 7, 2008 at the Wayback Machine
  34. ↑ Опоганивши Російський культурний центр, Львів демонструє свою «європейськість»
  35. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  36. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  37. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  38. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  39. ↑ http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/18/world/europe/european-union-ukraine.html?hpw&rref=world&_r=1
  40. ↑ Ukraine crisis timeline, BBC News
  41. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  42. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  43. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  44. ↑ "In Shell-Torn Luhansk, Food and Water Is Scarce: 'Welcome to Hell!'". Newsweek. 15 August 2014.
  45. ↑ "East Ukraine city of Luhansk dying under siege, residents say". The Denver Post. 5 August 2014.
  46. ↑ J. Paul Goode, The Decline of Regionalism in Putin's Russia: Boundary Issues, 2001, ISBN 1136720731, page 140
  47. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  48. ↑ Ukraine crisis: Pro-Russian rebels 'delay disputed elections', BBC News (6 October 2015)
  49. ↑ 49.0 49.1 Evhen Golovakha, Andriy Gorbachyk, Natalia Panina, "Ukraine and Europe: Outcomes of International Comparative Sociological Survey", Kiev, Institute of Sociology of NAS of Ukraine, 2007, ISBN 978-966-02-4352-1, pp. 133–135 in Section: "9. Social discrimination and migration" (pdf) Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "EU-Ukraine" defined multiple times with different content
  50. ↑ Russia, Ukraine relationship going sour, say polls, Kyiv Post (October 2, 2008)
  51. ↑ See Panina, p. 48
  52. ↑ 52.0 52.1 Panina, pp. 49–57
  53. ↑ Panina, p. 29
  54. ↑ "Svoboda Fuels Ukraine’s Growing Anti-Semitism". Algemeiner Journal. 24 May 2013.
  55. ↑ UKRAINIAN APPEALS TO ANTI-SEMITISM IN ELECTION WIN, Internet Centre Anti-Racism Europe (November 4, 2010)
  56. ↑ (Ukrainian) Вибори: тотальне домінування Партії регіонів, BBC Ukrainian (November 6, 2010)
  57. ↑ (Ukrainian) Генеральна репетиція президентських виборів: на Тернопільщині стався прогнозований тріумф націоналістів і крах Тимошенко, Ukrayina Moloda (March 17, 2009)
  58. ↑ The Ukrainian Nationalism at the Heart of ‘Euromaidan’, The Nation (January 21, 2014)
  59. ↑ "Ukraine's revolution and the far right". BBC News. 7 March 2014.
  60. ↑ 60.0 60.1 Ukraine election:President Yanukovych party claims win, BBC News (29 October 2012).
  61. ↑ Five political forces sign coalition agreement, Interfax-Ukraine (21 November 2014)
    Ukraine's parliamentary parties initial coalition agreement, Interfax-Ukraine (21 November 2014)
    Rada supports coalition-proposed government lineup, Interfax-Ukraine (2 December 2014)
    Rada approves new Cabinet with three foreigners, Kyiv Post (2 December 2014)
    (Ukrainian) Rada voted the new Cabinet, Ukrayinska Pravda (2 December 2014)
  62. ↑ Большинство украинцев говорят на русском языке, Podrobnosti, December 04, 2006.
  63. ↑ Украинцы лучше владеют русским языком, чем украинским: соцопрос, REGNUM, December 04, 2006
  64. ↑ Громадський рух — Не будь байдужим. Ще не вмерла Україна ... круглий стіл.
  65. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  66. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  67. ↑ Новости NEWSru.com :: На Украине протестуют против начатой новыми властями борьбы с русским языком
  68. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  69. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  70. ↑ The Ukrainian Weekly. Oleh Wolowyna. 2001 Census results reveal information on nationalities and language in Ukraine Retrieved on May 30, 2007
  71. ↑ Рождаемость в Украине самая низкая в Европе, Demoscope.ru, April 16–29, 2007 (Russian)
  72. ↑ Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів, Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 261, ISBN 966-7007-60-X
  73. ↑ 73.0 73.1 73.2 73.3 73.4 73.5 Дністрянський М.С. Етнополітична географія України. Лівів, Літопис, видавництво ЛНУ імені Івана Франка, 2006, page 259, ISBN 966-7007-60-X
  74. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  75. ↑ Определение Архиерейского Собора Русской Православной Церкви 25 – 27 октября 1990 года об Украинской Православной Церкви Archived June 17, 2009 at the Wayback Machine
  76. ↑ 76.0 76.1 (Ukrainian) "Revival" "our land": Who picks up the legacy of "regionals", BBC Ukrainian (16 September 2015)
    (Ukrainian) Party of Regions: Snake return, The Ukrainian Week (2 October 2015)
    After Ukraine’s elections, Russia has few good options by Anna Arutunyan, European Council on Foreign Relations (12th November, 2014)
  77. ↑ Ukraine’s Parliamentary Election: What Happened? What’s Next? by Steven Pifer, Brookings Institution (October 27, 2014)
  78. ↑ 78.0 78.1 Central Election Commission of Ukraine Archived October 11, 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  79. ↑ 79.0 79.1 Yanukovych Loses 300,000 While Tymoshenko Receives Additional 1.5 Million, Ukrainska Pravda
  80. ↑ Новый состав Кабмина принят единогласно, news.mediaport.ua(Russian)
  81. ↑ (Ukrainian)Народна депутатка з Луганська від БЮТу раніше підтримувала Віктора Януковича, Gazeta.ua (March 23, 2007)
  82. ↑ 82.0 82.1 After the parliamentary elections in Ukraine: a tough victory for the Party of Regions, Centre for Eastern Studies (7 November 2012)
  83. ↑ 83.0 83.1 With all party lists ballots counted, Regions Party gets 30%, Batkivschyna 25.54%, UDAR 13.96%, Communists 13.18%, Svoboda 10.44%, Kyiv Post (Nov. 8, 2012)
  84. ↑ Poroshenko Bloc to have greatest number of seats in parliament, Ukrinform (8 November 2014)
    People's Front 0.33% ahead of Poroshenko Bloc with all ballots counted in Ukraine elections - CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
    Poroshenko Bloc to get 132 seats in parliament - CEC, Interfax-Ukraine (8 November 2014)
  85. ↑ Kharkiv, Luhansk, Zaporizhia regions prefer Opposition Bloc, Interfax-Ukraine (27.10.2014)
  86. ↑ Ukrainian Communist leader Symonenko not planning to leave country, Interfax-Ukraine (29 October 2014)
    Ukraine’s Elections Mark a Historic Break With Russia and Its Soviet Past, Time magazine (Oct. 27, 2014)
  87. ↑ General official results of Rada election, Interfax-Ukraine (11 November 2014)
    Central Election Commission announces official results of Rada election on party tickets, Interfax-Ukraine (11 November 2014)
  88. ↑ Ukraine crisis: President calls snap vote amid fighting, BBC News (25 August 2014)
  89. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  90. ↑ 90.0 90.1 Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  91. ↑ Центральна виборча комісія України - WWW відображення ІАС "Вибори народних депутатів України 2012"
    Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  92. ↑ Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe by Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008, ISBN 978-3-525-36912-8 (page 396)
  93. ↑ Ukraine right-wing politics: is the genie out of the bottle?, openDemocracy.net (January 3, 2011)
  94. ↑ Eight Reasons Why Ukraine’s Party of Regions Will Win the 2012 Elections by Taras Kuzio, The Jamestown Foundation (17 October 2012)
    UKRAINE: Yushchenko needs Tymoshenko as ally again by Taras Kuzio, Oxford Analytica (5 October 2007)
  95. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  96. ↑ Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  97. ↑ 97.0 97.1 Радикальные русские маргиналы хотят разделить Украину по Сталину, Ukrayinska Pravda , July 18, 2006
  98. ↑ Foreign Ministry to apply drastic measures in case Russian "Eurasian Union of Youth" responsible for vandalism on Hoverla mountain, The National Radio Company of Ukraine
  99. ↑ MP Candidate Herman (Party Of Regions): Vandalism Act At Hoverla Beneficial To Tymoshenko Bloc, Ukrainian News Agency
  100. ↑ Violence rocks Sevastopol a day after Christmas, Kyiv Post (December 28, 2009)
  101. ↑ Mykyta Kasianenko, "Without provocateurs and Russophobes Crimea seeking solutions to Ukrainian-Russian problems", Den, 13 August 2007
  102. ↑ SBU singled out people responsible for Hoveral attack, Novynar, 20 October 2007
  103. ↑ Андреас Умланд, Фашистский друг Витренко, Ukrainska Pravda 26.09.2006
  104. ↑ 2007 РБК-Україна При штурмі СБУ в Києві арештовано 10 активістів ЄСМ 14.06.2006
  105. ↑ Крым негостеприимно встретил НАТО: американцам всю ночь пришлось искать ночлег, NEWSru.com, June 2, 2006.
  106. ↑ The Sunday Times Once more into the valley of death? October 24, 2004
  107. ↑ Andriy Okara, "New Ukrainian Oprichnina, or what is in common "Pora", neoeuro-Asians, Ivan the Terrible and Yulia Tymoshenko", Zerkalo Nedeli, March 12–18, 2005. In Russian, in Ukrainian.
  108. ↑ 108.0 108.1 108.2 "Вместе с бабой – семь человек"::Киевская милиция пообщалась с участниками "Русского марша", Kommersant-Ukraine, November 6, 2006
  109. ↑ «Російський марш» в Одесі серед інших піднімав тему єдності УПЦ із Московським Патріархатом
  110. ↑ Около 200 человек проводят "Русский марш" в Одессе, Podrobnosti, November 4, 2006
  111. ↑ (Ukrainian) A new movement in Ukraine, "Russian-speaking Ukrainian nationalists", Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (19 April 2013)
  112. ↑ (Ukrainian) New Ukrainian nationalists - Russian speaking, bigmir (19 April 2014)
  113. ↑ (Ukrainian) In Ukraine, the growing movement of Russian Banderavyets, Gazeta.ua (July 15, 2013)
  114. ↑ (Ukrainian) The meeting of political party "Russian-speaking Ukrainian nationalists.", Korrespondent.net (3 November 2014)

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