Abahlali baseMjondolo

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Abahlali baseMjondolo logo

Abahlali baseMjondolo (Zulu pronunciation: [aɓaˈɬaːli ɓasɛmdʒɔnˈdɔːlo], Shack Dwellers), also known as AbM or the red shirts,[1][2] is a shack-dwellers' movement in South Africa which is well known for its campaigning against evictions[3] and for public housing.[4][5] The movement grew out of a road blockade[6] organized from the Kennedy Road shack settlement in the city of Durban in early 2005[7][8] and now also operates in the cities of Pietermaritzburg[9] and in Cape Town.[10][11][12] It is the largest shack dweller's organization in South Africa[13][14][15] and campaigns to improve the living conditions of poor people[16] and to democratize society from below.[17]

The movement historically refused party politics, and has boycotted elections[18][19] and has a history of conflict with both the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance.[20] (Despite this, it announced its support for the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 elections.[21][22]) Its key demand is that the social value of urban land should take priority over its commercial value[23] and it campaigns for the public expropriation of large privately owned landholdings.[24] The key organizing strategy is to try "to recreate Commons" from below by trying to create a series of linked communes.[25]

According to The Times, the movement "has shaken the political landscape of South Africa."[26] According to Professor Peter Vale, Abahlali baseMjondolo is "along with the Treatment Action Campaign the most effective grouping in South African civil society."[27] Khadija Patel has written that the movement "is at the forefront of a new wave of mass political mobilisation".[28] However the movement has faced sustained, and at times violent, repression.[28][29][30][31]

Context

Abahlali Assembly, Foreman Road Settlement

In 2001, the eThekwini Municipality, which governs Durban and Pinetown, embarked on a 'slum clearance programme' that meant the steady demolition of shack settlements and a refusal to provide basic services (e.g. electricity, sanitation etc.) to existing settlements on the grounds that all shack settlements were now 'temporary'. In these demolitions some shack dwellers were simply being left homeless and others subjected to unlawful forced evictions to the rural periphery of the city.[32][33] In early 2008, the United Nations expressed serious concern about the treatment of shack dwellers in Durban.[34] In the run up to 2010 there was also concern about the possibility of evictions linked to the 2010 FIFA World Cup across South Africa[35][36] and abroad.[37][38][39][40][41][42]

History

Abahlali's original work was primarily committed to opposing demolitions and forced removals and to struggling for good land and quality housing in the cities.[43] In most instances this takes the form of a demand for shack settlements to be upgraded with formal housing and services where they are or for new houses to be built close to where the existing settlements are. However the movement has also argued that basic services such as water, electricity and toilets should be immediately provided to shack settlements while land and housing in the city are negotiated. The movement has also engaged in the mass popular appropriation of access to water and electricity.[44][45]

The movement quickly had a considerable degree of success in stopping evictions and forced removals, winning the right for new shacks to be built as settlements expand and in winning access to basic services,[46] but for three years was not able to win secure access to good urban land for quality housing.[47] In late 2008 the then AbM President S'bu Zikode[48] announced a deal with the eThekwini Municipality which would see services being provided to 14 settlements and tenure security and formal housing to three.[49] The municipality confirmed this deal in February 2009.[50]

The movement has been involved in considerable conflict with the eThekwini Municipality and has undertaken numerous protests and legal actions against the city authorities.[51] Its members have been beaten and many of its leaders arrested by the South African Police Service in Sydenham, Durban.[52]

Abahlali has often made claims of severe police harassment, including torture.[53] On a number of occasions, these claims have been supported by church leaders[54] and human rights organisations.[55] The movement has successfully sued the police for unlawful assaults on its members.[56]

In October 2009, the movement won a constitutional court case which declared the KZN Slums Act unconstitutional.[43][57][58][59] In the same year there was acute conflict between the movement and the Cape Town City Council[60] which centred on the Macassar Village Land Occupation. There was similar conflict in 2013 which centred on the Marikana Land Occupation.[61]

Autonomy and democracy

Academic work on the movement stresses that it is non-professionalized (i.e. its leaders are unsalaried), independent of NGO control, autonomous from political organisations and party politics[62][63] and democratic.[64][65][66][67][68] Sarah Cooper-Knock describes the movement as "neurotically democratic, impressively diverse and steadfastly self-critical".[24][69] Ercument Celik writes that "I experienced how democratically the movement ran its meetings."[70]

The movement has, along with the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign, refused to work with the NGO-run 'Social Movements Indaba' (SMI), and some of the NGOs involved with the SMI.[71] The movement has been particularly critical of the Centre for Civil Society at the University of KwaZulu-Natal[72] and refuses to work with the Centre.[73]

Membership and structures

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In 2010 the movement claimed to have around 25,000 active supporters in 64 different shack settlements of which just over 10 000 were paid up card carrying members.[74] The movement has affiliated settlements and branches in non-affiliated settlements and also a has a youth league and a women's league.[75]

Campaigns

Since 2005, the movement has carried out a series of large scale marches,[24][76] created numerous dual power institutions[77] and engaged in direct action such as land occupations[78] and self organised water and electricity connections and made tactical use of the courts.[79][80][81][82] The movement has often made anti-capitalist statements,[83] has called for "a living communism",[84][85] and has demanded the expropriation of private land for public housing.[86]

Abahlali historically refused to participate in party politics[87] or any NGO-style professionalization or individualization of struggle and instead sought to build democratic people's power where people lived and worked.[88][89] Academic work claims that the movement has protected its autonomy from political parties and NGOs.[90][91] However, in 2014, Abahlali announced its support for the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 national elections.[92]

Land and housing

The movement campaigns for well located urban land for public housing[93] and has occupied unused government land.[94][95]

A primary demand of the movement has been for decent, public housing and much of its work takes the form of opposing evictions.[96] The movement has often used the phrase 'The Right to the City'[97] to insist that the location of housing is critically important and demands that shack settlements are upgraded where they are and that people are not relocated to out of town developments.[98][99] The movement rejects technocratic approaches to the housing crisis and stresses the need for dignity to be central to the resolution of the housing crisis.[100] It is opposed to shack dwellers being moved into 'transit camps'.[81]

The movement opposes all evictions and forced removals and has campaigned vigorously on this score via public protest and, also, legal action.[101][102]

Service delivery

The movement has also campaigned for the provision of basic services to shack settlements.[101][103]

In South Africa, there are an average of "ten shack fires a day with someone dying in a shack fire every other day".[104] Abahlali has campaigned on this issue demanding, amongst other things, the electrification of shacks.[105] It has also connected thousands of people to electricity.[104]

The movement campaigns for equal access to school education for poor children.[106]

Dual power and the refusal of electoral politics

Since 2005, Abahlali baseMjondolo refused to vote in all state elections.[24][107] The movement stated that it aimed, instead, to use direct democracy to build a counter power to that of the state by creating a series of linked collectives and communes. This position is shared by all the organisations in the Poor People's Alliance.[108][109] However, in 2014 it abandoned this position and urged its members to vote for the Democratic Alliance.[92]

Mutual aid

The movement has organised a number of mutual aid projects: crèches, kitchens and vegetable gardens.[110]

The KZN Slums Act

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Abahlali baseMjondolo took the Provincial Government of KwaZulu-Natal to court to have the controversial[111][112] Slums Act[113] declared unconstitutional.[114][115] but lost the case.[116] On 14 May 2009, it took the case on appeal to the Constitutional Court.[117][118][119] Judgment was handed down on 14 October 2009 and the movement won the case with costs.[58][120][121]

Xenophobia and police brutality

The movement took a strong stand against the xenophobic attacks that swept the country in May 2008[24][63][122][123] and there were no attacks in any Abahlali settlements.[24][124][125][126] The movement was also able to stop an in-progress attack in the (non-Abahlali affiliated) Kenville settlement and to offer shelter to some people displaced in the attacks.[127][128]

The movement has organized numerous actions against police racism and brutality[129] and has often demanded fair access to policing services for shack dwellers.[50]

The University of Abahlali baseMjondolo

The movement runs formal courses and issues certification for these. It also hosts regular seminars.[130] The movement reports that topics covered have ranged from computer skills[24] to training in safely connecting shacks to water and electricity, to questions of law and policy, to political ideas like the right to the city, questions of political strategy and to the work of a philosopher like Jacques Ranciere.[131][132]

2010 FIFA World Cup

Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape threatened to build shacks outside of the Cape Town stadium to draw attention to their situation[133][134] but were not able to make good on this threat.[135]

Philosophy

The movement describes itself as "a homemade politics that everyone can understand and find a home in"[136] and stresses that it moves from the lived experience of the poor to create a politics that is both intellectual and actional.[137]

Its philosophy has been sketched out in a number of articles and interviews. The key ideas are those of a politics of the poor, a living politics and a people's politics.[138] A politics of the poor is understood to mean a politics that is conducted by the poor and for the poor in a manner that enables the poor to be active participants in the struggles conducted in their name. Practically, it means that such a politics must be conducted where poor people live or in places that they can easily access, at the times when they are free, in the languages that they speak. It does not mean that middle-class people and organisations are excluded but that they are expected to come to these spaces and to undertake their politics there in a dialogical and democratic manner. There are two key aspects to the idea of a living politics. The first is that it is understood as a politics that begins not from external theory but from the experience of the people that shape it. It is argued that political education usually operates to create new elites who mediate relationships of patronage upwards and who impose ideas on others and to exclude ordinary people from thinking politically. This politics is not anti-theory – it just asserts the need to begin from lived experience and to move on from there rather than to begin from theory (usually imported from the Global North) and to impose theory on the lived experience of suffering and resistance in the shacks. The second key aspect, of a living politics, is that political thinking is always undertaken democratically and in common. People's politics is opposed to party politics or politicians' politics (as well as to top down undemocratic forms of NGO politics) and it is argued that the former is a popular democratic project undertaken without financial reward and with an explicit refusal of representative roles and personal power while the latter is a top down, professionalised representative project driven by personal power.[139][140][141][142]

While the movement is clear that its key immediate goals are 'land and housing' it is equally clear that it sees its politics as going beyond this.[143] S'bu Zikode has commented that: "We have seen in certain cases in South Africa where governments have handed out houses simply to silence the poor. This is not acceptable to us. Abahalali’s struggle is beyond housing. We fight for respect and dignity. If houses are given to silence the poor then those houses are not acceptable to us."[144]

'Abahlalism' has on occasion been described as anarchist or autonomist in practice.[145][146] This is primarily because its praxis correlates closely with central tenets of anarchism, including decentralisation, opposition to imposed hierarchy, direct democracy and recognition of the connection between means and ends.[147] However, the movement has never described itself as either anarchist or autonomist. Zikode has said that the movement aspires to 'a living communism'.[143]

Elections

The movement, together with similar grassroots movements in Johannesburg and Cape Town,[148] takes a very critical stance towards state elections in South Africa. They have boycotted the local government elections in 2006,[149] the national government elections in 2009 and the 2011 local government elections[150][151] under the banner of No Land! No House! No Vote!. It has been reported that "Nearly 75% of South Africans aged 20-29 did not vote in the 2011 [local government] elections" and that "South Africans in that age group were more likely to have taken part in violent street protests against the local ANC than to have voted for the ruling party".[152]

The philosophy of Abahlali baseMjondolo with regards to elections can be summarised by the following statement from its elected president S'bu Zikode,[153] "The government and academics speak about the poor all the time, but so few want to speak to the poor...It becomes clear that our job is just to vote and then watch the rich speak about us as we get poorer".[36]

The movement's Deputy President, Lindela Figlan has argued that “Voting someone into government just gives them power to oppress and exploit us.”[154]

Despite this sentiment, at the Abahlali baseMjondolo "Unfreedom Day" rally held in Kwa-Mashu on 27 April 2014, the movement's President Sbu Zikode announced that they "would abandon their No Land, No House, No Vote campaign and cast a “strategic vote” in the May 7 elections".[155] A few days later Zikode signed a pact with the centrist Democratic Alliance (DA), stating that "We encourage our comrades and our membership to vote for the Democratic Alliance so that we can get rid of corruption".[21] Zikode clarified that "Abahlali are not joining DA or any political party. We will remain independent from all kinds of mainstream political parties. But this time around it's a tactical partnership where the aim is to really get rid of the party that has become a threat to the society".[22] The DA welcomed Abahali's endorsement, stating that this had come after two years of engagement.[156]

Repression

In the early days of the movement, individuals in the ruling party often accused Abahlali of being criminals manipulated by a malevolent white man, a 'third force', or a foreign intelligence agency.[24][68][157]

The movement, like others in South Africa,[158][159] has suffered sustained illegal harassment from the state[160] that has resulted in more than 200 arrests of Abahlali members in the first last three years of its existence and repeated police brutality in people's homes, in the streets and in detention.[161] On a number of occasions, the police used live ammunition,[159] armoured vehicles and helicopters in their attacks on unarmed shack dwellers.[162] In 2006 the local city manager, Mike Sutcliffe, unlawfully implemented a complete ban on Abahlali's right to march[163][164] which was eventually overturned in court.[159][165][166][167] Abahlali have been violently prevented from accepting invitations to appear on television[168][169] and radio debates by the local police.[170] The Freedom of Expression Institute has issued a number of statements in strong support of Abahlali's right to speak out and to organise protests.[171][172] The Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions[173] and a group of prominent church leaders[174][175] have also issued public statements against police violence, as has Bishop Rubin Philip in his individual capacity,[176] and in support of the right of the movement to publicly express dissent.[177]

In March 2008, the Mercury newspaper reported that both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International were investigating human rights abuses against shack dwellers by the city government.[citation needed]

In 2009 the movement was attacked in the Kennedy Road settlement - see below.

In April 2010, IRIN, the newsletter of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, reported that "The rise of an organized poor people's movement [Abahlali baseMjondolo] in South Africa's most populous province, KwaZulu-Natal, is being met with increasing hostility by the ruling African National Congress (ANC) government.[178]

In April 2013 the movement successfully sued the Minister of Police for violence against three of its members.[179]

On the 26th of June a local AbM leader, Nkululeko Gwala, was assassinated in the Cato Crest shack settlement in Durban.[180][181][182][183]

On the 29th of September 2014, another Abahlali baseMjondolo member was killed. Thuli Ndlovu, the movement chairperson for KwaNdengezi was assassinated in her home after disputes with a local councillor over housing allocation.[184] [185] Abahlali baseMjondolo accused the councillor of having a hand in the assassination.[186] On 27 February 2015, the local councillor, Mduduzi Ngcobo, was arrested on suspicion of being behind the murder.[187]

Church support

The movement has received strong support from some key church leaders.[188] In a speech at the AbM UnFreedom Day event on 27 April 2008 Anglican Bishop Rubin Phillip said that:

"The courage, dignity and gentle determination of Abahlali baseMjodolo has been a light that has shone ever more brightly over the last three years. You have faced fires, sickness, evictions, arrest, beatings, slander, and still you stand bravely for what is true. Your principle that everyone matters, that every life is precious, is very simple but it is also utterly profound. Many of us who hold dear the most noble traditions of our country take hope from your courage and your dignity."[189]

The Italian theologian Brother Filippo Mondini has attempted to develop a theology based on the political thought and practices developed in Abahlali baseMjondolo.[190]

Media

The movement makes considerable use of cellphones to organise, generates its own media where possible[11] and has made use of films too.[191] The award winning[192] documentary feature film Dear Mandela tells the story of three young activists in Abahlali baseMjondolo.[193][194]

The Poor People's Alliance

In September 2008, the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign, together with Abahlali baseMjondolo, the Landless People's Movement and the Rural Network (Abahlali baseplasini) formed The Poor People's Alliance[195][196] which is "a co-alition of independent social movements.[197] The Poor People's Alliance refuses electoral politics under the banner 'No Land! No House! No Vote!'.[109][198][199]

Abahlali baseMjondolo has also organised in solidarity with the Unemployed Peoples' Movement.[200]

International solidarity

There is an AbM Solidarity Group in England[201] and the movement has links with the following organisations:

Criticisms

According to eThekwini City Manager Dr. Michael Sutcliffe, the essence of the tensions between Abahlali baseMjondolo and the City lie in the fact that the movement "rejects the authority of the city." When the Durban High Court ruled that his attempts to ban marches by Abahlali baseMjondolo were unlawful he stated that: "We will be asking serious questions of the court because we cannot allow anarchy having anyone marching at any time and any place."[213] According to Lennox Mabaso, spokesperson for the Provincial Department of Housing, the movement is "under the sway of an agent provocateur" who is "engaged in clandestine operations" and who has been "assigned to provoke unrest".[214] City Officials continue to argue that the movement is a Third Force seeking to undermine the ruling African National Congress for nefarious purposes.[215]

In December 2006, Abahlali members and members of the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign,[216] disrupted a meeting of the Social Movements Indaba at the University of KwaZulu Natal and staged a protest.[77] Some academics and NGO activists, all of whom have clear links to a local NGO, the Centre for Civil Society, claimed that this was criminal behaviour[217] and somehow illegitimate in that, according to these people, it was in response to the dismissal of four Abahlali linked academics from the Centre. However the WC-AEC issued a statement vigorously rejecting these claims[216] while the Mail and Guardian newspaper reported a very different account of why Abahlali protested the meeting.[218] A masters thesis by Matt Birkinshaw explained that the protest happened because "Abahlali felt that there was a lack of genuine democracy and participation due to NGO co-optation" in the SMI.[77] Online video footage of the protest shot by Antonios Vradis indicates that the demonstration was peaceful and rational and that the movements had a clear critique of the NGO co-option of the SMI.[219]

In October 2010, Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape called for a month of direct action.[220][221] Mzonke Poni, the chairperson of the Cape Town structure at the time, publicly endorsed road blockades as a legitimate tactic during this strike.[222] The Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and the South African Communist Party, the latter a major ally of the ruling ANC, issued strong statements condemning the campaign and labelling it 'violent'[223] and, 'anarchist' and reactionary'.[224] AbM responded by saying that their support for road blockades was not violent and that "We have never called for violence. Violence is harm to human beings. Blockading a road is not violence."[225] They also said that the SACP's attack was really due to the movement's insistence on organising autonomously from the African National Congress.[226] After the strike by AbM Western Cape, there were some protests in TR section of Khayelitsha in which vehicles were damaged. AbM WC ascribed these protests to the ANC Youth League[227] as did Helen Zille and the Youth League itself.[228] According to Leadership Magazine "The ANC Youth League in the province has hijacked the peaceful service-delivery protests organised by the social movement Abahlali baseMjondolo in Khayelitsha in a violent, destructive and desperate attempt to mobilise support for the ANC against the province's Democratic Alliance provincial and municipal governments."[229]

Violence at the Kennedy Road settlement

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On 26 September 2009, it was reported that at about 11 pm that evening a group of about 40 people entered the Kennedy Road settlement wielding guns and knives and attacked an Abahlali baseMjondolo youth meeting.[29][230] The attackers chanted ethnic and ANC slogans, demolished residents' homes and threatened to kill named individuals.[50] At about 5 am the next morning two people were killed in the resulting conflict.[133] According to an Abahlali baseMjondolo press statement issued on 27 September 2009 "As far as we know two of the attackers were killed when people managed to take their bush knives off them. This was self defence.[231]

It was reported by members of the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement that the attackers were affiliated with the local branch of the African National Congress and it was claimed that the attack was carefully planned and sanctioned by the local police.[232][233] However this was denied by the ANC and the police who blamed a 'forum' associated with Abahlali baseMjondolo for the violence.[234] However academic research confirmed that the attackers did self identify as ANC members and that ANC leaders at Municipal and Provincial level later provided public sanction for the attack.[50][235]

The Mail & Guardian newspaper described the attack on Kennedy Road as a "hatchet job"[236] and reported that "Two weeks earlier, eThekwini regional chairperson John Mchunu, addressing the ANC's regional general council, had specifically condemned the ABM for trying to divide the tripartite alliance" and that an ANC source had confirmed there "was a battle for the hearts and minds of the people of Kennedy Road ... There is a political twist to this thing."[237] The Mercury newspaper later reported that "The chairperson of the ANC's biggest and most influential region in KwaZulu-Natal, John Mchunu, has been awarded tenders [in housing construction] worth at least R40-million by the eThekwini municipality.[238] Abahlali baseMjondolo claims to have been at the "forefront of exposing local government corruption, especially in the allocation of housing."[239]

The KwaZulu-Natal Department of Safety and Security held meetings for stakeholders after the attack however these were condemned as unrepresentative by church leaders, AbM representatives and a survey by the Mail and Guardian Newspaper which described them as "a sham".[240] AbM said that they were victims of a 'purge' and that they refused to sit side by side with their attackers and called for an independent investigation into the attacks[240] that should "in the interests of justice and truth, carefully and fairly investigate the actions of everyone, including the local and provincial ANC, the police, the intelligence services, the prosecutors, the courts and our movement, its various sub-committees and our supporters."[241]

Following the attack AbM and the KRDC, democratically elected structures,[50] were removed from the settlement[50] and the provincial government replaced these structures with an unelected ANC affiliated Community Policing Forum.[50]

The attacks garnered national and international condemnation with some people labelling the events a 'coup'.[242][243][244] Churches also issued statements of condemnation.[245]

A number of well known intellectuals, including Noam Chomsky, expressed concern about the attacks[246] and Human Rights Watch,[247] the Centre for the Study of Democracy,[248] The Norwegian Centre for Human Rights[249] and Amnesty International[250] supported the call for an independent commission of inquiry into the attacks. The government ignored this call.[14]

The Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions in Geneva issued a statement that expressed "grave concern about reports of organized intimidation and threats to members of advocacy group, Abahlali baseMjondolo."[251][252]

Considerable concern was expressed about the legal process following the arrests of twelve people after the attacks.[253][254][255] Amnesty International has expressed concern[256] and the New York based Centre for Constitutional Rights sent an urgent appeal to the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders to ask her to investigate the case of the attack on Abahlali baseMjondolo and subsequent judicial process.[257]

On 18 July 2011, the case against the 12 accused members of Abahlali baseMjondolo collapsed.[258][259] The Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa issued a statement saying that the "charges were based on evidence which now appears almost certainly to have been manufactured" and that the Magistrate had described the state witnesses as "“belligerent”, “unreliable” and “dishonest”.[260] Amnesty International noted that the court had found that "police had directed some witnesses to point out members of Abahlali-linked organizations at the identification parade".[261]

See also

Abahlali baseMjondolo activists

Other land and housing movements

Notes and references

  1. Anatomy of a hunger strike. Pambazuka.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  2. Richard Pithouse, ‘Our Struggle is Thought, on the Ground, Running'. The University of Abahlali baseMjondolo, UKZN, 2006
  3. After Nelson Mandela, what next for South Africa?, by Sean Jacobs, The Guardian, 4 July 2013
  4. 2011 may be the year that civil society rises as an opposition force, Mandy Rossouw, Mail & Guardian, 7 Jan 2011
  5. Over the rainbow, The Economist, 20 October 2012
  6. Article in the Sunday Tribune newspaper by Fred Kockott describing the road blockade[dead link]
  7. [1] Struggle is a School by Richard Pithouse, Monthly Review, 2006
  8. [2] 'Delivery and Dignity' by Jacob Byrant, Journal of Asian & African Studies, 2007
  9. [3] 'ANC to shift to the Left after South Africa's presidential election', The Telegraph, London
  10. [4] Article in the Sowetan newspaper on the launch of the Cape Town branch of Abahlali baseMjondolo
  11. 11.0 11.1 Social Movement Media in Post-Apartheid South Africa, by Wendy Willems,Encyclopaedia of Social Movement Media (Ed. John D. H. Downing, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, 2011)
  12. Cape Town Administration Violates the Rights of the Poor, Carmen Ludwig, All Africa, 27 October 2011
  13. [5]'South Africa's Poor Have Had Enough' Carol Landry, Agence France-Presse, December 2005
  14. 14.0 14.1 [6] Jonathan Steele, Why 2010 Could Be An Own Goal for the Rainbow Nation, The Guardian, 30 December 2009
  15. What's the Deal with the Toyi-Toyi, by Lisa Nevitt,Cape Town Magazine, November 2010
  16. [7] 'The State of Resistance: Popular struggles in the Global South' edited by Francois Polet pp.139–140, McMillian 2007
  17. [8] iPolitiki ePhilayo
  18. Matt Birkinshaw Abahlali baseMjondolo: A homemade politics, 2009. Libcom.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  19. 'Shack dwellers honour their leader' by SABC News, 16 December 2009
  20. The seed of a new opposition? Business Day, 7 February 2011
  21. 21.0 21.1 DA signs pact with KZN landless people SAPA, The Daily News, 2 May 2014
  22. 22.0 22.1 Abahlali throws support behind DA Thrishni Subramoney and SAPA, East Coast Radio, 2 May 2014
  23. Abahlali baseMjondolo March on Jacob Zuma, Durban, South Africa, 22 March 2010, UK IndyMedia
  24. 24.0 24.1 24.2 24.3 24.4 24.5 24.6 24.7 [Street Traders: A Bridge Between Trade Unions and Social Movements in Contemporary South Africa], by Ercument Celik, Nomos, Freiburg, 2009
  25. Joel Kovel, 'The Enemy of Nature', 2007 Zed Books, New York, p. 251
  26. 'Stench of shanties puts ANC on wrong side of new divide' by Jonathan Clayton 25 February 2006
  27. Peter Vale – Insight into history of SA an imperative 2010/04/09 Daily Dispatch. Dispatch.co.za[dead link]
  28. 28.0 28.1 Shack dwellers take the fight to eThekwini – and the ANC takes note, Khadija Patel, The Daily Maverick, 16 September 2013
  29. 29.0 29.1 Political tolerance on the wane in South Africa, Imraan Buccus, SA Reconciliation Barometer, September 2010
  30. On the Quality of Electioneering in South Africa, Frank Meintjies, All Africa, 25 July 2013
  31. Lessons from the Demise of Thabo Mbeki, Jane Duncan, SACSIS, 16 September 2013
  32. [9] 'Business As Usual', Centre on Housing Rights & Evictions (Geneva), 2008
  33. [10] COHRE report to the United Nations, 2008
  34. [11] United Nations Statement on Housing Rights Violations in South Africa
  35. [12] The Guardian World Cup 2010: football brings defining moment for South Africa, 12 June 2009
  36. 36.0 36.1 The real winners and losers: of the beautiful game, Sunday Herald 9 August 2009
  37. World Cup 2010: football brings defining moment for South Africa, 12 June 2009. The Guardian Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  38. World Cup Whose Meaning Goes Beyond Soccer, Alan Cowell, 28 December 2009, New York Times
  39. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
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  42. [13] Jonathan Steele, Why 2010 Could Be An Own Goal for the Rainbow Nation, The Guardian, 30 December 2009
  43. 43.0 43.1 How People Face Evictions, Prof. Yves Cabannes, Development Planning Unit, University College of London (DPU/UCL), May 2011
  44. A big devil in the shacks: The politics of fire
  45. [14] A-Short-History-of-Abahlali-baseMjondolo
  46. Durban breaks new ground in participatory democracy, Imraan Buccus. Thoughtleader.co.za. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  47. See the COHRE report again
  48. South Africa's new apartheid?, Riz Khan, Al Jazeera, 23 November 2010
  49. Speech by S'bu Zikode. Africafiles.org (14 December 2008). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  50. 50.0 50.1 50.2 50.3 50.4 50.5 50.6 The Work of violence:a timeline of armed attacks at Kennedy Road, Kerry Chance School of Development Studies Research Report, 83, July 2010.]
  51. These are detailed in some of the academic work and there is reference to some of the legal actions in the report on Centre on Housing Rights & Evictions (Geneva) which is online at http://www.cohre.org/southafrica. The papers from many of the court actions are also archived on the Abahlali site
  52. Niren Tolsi, 'I was punched, beaten', Mail & Guardian', 16 September 2007
  53. AbM statement on police harassment
  54. A statement against police violence against Abahlali by 11 church leaders
  55. Relevant Letter and Full Report
  56. SA police caught dead to right, by Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian,26 April 2013
  57. [15] 'Shack dwellers' victory bus' by Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 2009
  58. 58.0 58.1 Landmark judgment for the poor, Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 18 October 2009]. Mg.co.za (18 October 2009). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  59. Ruling in Abahlali case lays solid foundation to build on, Marie Huchzermeyer, Business Day, 04/11/2009
  60. Collection of articles on the Macassar Village Land Occupation
  61. 'Marikana' UnFreedom Day land occupation ends in violent Workers’ Day eviction, by Jared Sacks, The Daily Maverick, 2 May 2013
  62. examining the refusal of electoral politics in Abahlali, Raj Patel
  63. 63.0 63.1 Analysing Political Subjectivities: Naming the Post-Development State in Africa Today by Michael Neocosmos, Journal of Asian & African Studies,, pp.534–553, Vol. 45, No. 5, October 2010
  64. Raj Patel 'A Short Course in Politics at the University of Abahlali baseMjondolo'. Jas.sagepub.com (1 February 2008). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  65. Nigel Gibson, 'Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers' movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo)', Social Identities (Volume 14, Issue 6 November 2008 , pages 683 – 715)
  66. [16] 'Zabalaza, Unfinished Struggles against Apartheid: The Shackdwellers’ Movement in Durban', Nigel Gibson, Socialism & Democracy
  67. Settlement Informality: The importance of understanding change, formality and land and the informal economy, Marie Huchzermeyer, 2008
  68. 68.0 68.1 Nigel C. Gibson, Living Fanon: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (2011: London, Palgrave Macmillan)
  69. Symbol of hope silenced, Sarah Cooper-Knock, Daily News, 13 November 2009
  70. [Street Traders: A Bridge Between Trade Unions and Social Movements in Contemporary South Africa], by Ercument Celik, Nomos, Freiburg, 2009, p. 175-176
  71. [17] AEC statement on the SMI
  72. [18] 'Land and Housing: the burning questions', The Diakonia Council of Churches Economic Justice Lecture, 28 August 2008
  73. [19] Supporting Abahlali baseMjondolo
  74. The Work of violence:a timeline of armed attacks at Kennedy Road by Kerry Chance, School of Development Studies Research Report, 83, July 2010.]
  75. Vos, Pierre De. (2010-09-09) Pierre de Vos In defense of the Internet. Constitutionallyspeaking.co.za. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  76. [20] Resistance from the other South Africa by Neha Nimmagudda in Pambazuka News(2008-07-17]
  77. 77.0 77.1 77.2 See 'Rights, democracy, social movements: Abahlali baseMjondolo – a living politics' Masters Thesis by Matt Birkinshaw, University of London, 2007
  78. Occupy Durban, AbM Press Statement, December 2011
  79. Civic Action and Legal Mobilisation: the Phiri water meters case, Jackie Dugard, Wits University, 2010
  80. Victory for the Forgotten Shack Dwellers, Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa, 19 September 2012
  81. 81.0 81.1 Judgment a victory for 38 families, Daily News, 20 September 2012
  82. A Durban shack dweller's movement tells of ANC's woes, Khadija Patel, The Daily Maverick, 4 October 2013
  83. 'Abahlali baseMjondolo – The South African Shack Dwellers Movement' by Suzy Subways, 2008. Champnetwork.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  84. [21] Text of Speech at Diakonia Economic Justice Forum – Please follow the link to the PDF for the full content of the speech
  85. Politics of Grieving, by Drucilla Cornell, Social Text, 2011
  86. ‘The poor need proper homes’ – article in the Sowetan by Mary Papayya 1 September 2008[dead link]
  87. [22] Article by M'du Hlongwa examining the refusal of electoral politics in Abahlali
  88. [23] Article by Xin Wei Ngiam in Critical Dialogue (Vol.2, No.1, 2006) that includes interviews on conceptions of democracy amongst Abahlali militants.
  89. Clandestino Carta Magazine
  90. Street Traders: A Bridge Between Trade Unions and Social Movements in Contemporary South Africa, by Ercument Celik, Nomos, Freiburg, 2009
  91. Analysing Political Subjectivities: Naming the Post-Development State in Africa Today by Michael Neocosmos, Journal of Asian & African Studies, pp.534–553, Vol. 45, No. 5, October 2010
  92. 92.0 92.1 [24] DA signs pact with KZN landless people, 2 May 2014
  93. South Africa's shack-dwellers fight back, by Patrick Kingsely, The Guardian, 24 September 2012
  94. 'Black Boers' clear townships by force by Ruth Maclean, The Times, London, 22 November 2013
  95. Despite the state's violence, our fight to escape the mud and fire of South Africa's slums will continue, S'bu Zikode, The Guardian, 11 November 2013
  96. Serving the public interest in Cairo’s urban development, by Jessie McClelland, al Masryalyoum, 12/05/2010
  97. The Abahlali baseMjondolo Shack Dwellers Movement and the Right to the City in South Africa by Charlotte Mathivet and Shelley Buckingham, Habitat International Coalition, 2009
  98. [25] This emerges clearly in the archive of the movement's memoranda and press statements
  99. There is reference to some of the legal actions against evictions in the 2008 report on housing rights in Durban Centre on Housing Rights & Evictions (Geneva) which is online at http://www.cohre.org/southafrica. The papers from many of the court actions are also archived on the Abahlali site
  100. Love in the Time of AIDS, Mark Hunter, UKZN Press, 2010, p.224
  101. 101.0 101.1 [26] This also emerges very clearly in the archive of the movement's memoranda and press statements
  102. [27] For a discussion of a key court victory against evictions see the article 'Chetty Champions the Poor' in 'South African Legal Brief', 24 September 2008
  103. [28] Capitalism the 'real culprit behind climate change' by Faranaaz Parker, Mail & Guardian, 18 December 2009
  104. 104.0 104.1 Matt Birkinshaw 'The Big Devil in the Jondolos: The Politics of Shack Fires in Pambazuka News (2008). Pambazuka.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  105. See http://abahlali.org/search/node/fire
  106. South African Social Movement campaigns against School Exclusions, Teacher Solidarity, 9 January 2011
  107. Speech by S'bu Zikode, December 2008. Indymedia.org.uk (17 December 2008). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  108. [29] See Raj Patel,'Electing Land Questions: A Methodological Discussion with Reference to Abahlali baseMjondolo, the Durban Shack dwellers' Movement', Codesria, 2007
  109. 109.0 109.1 [30] Grassroots movements plan to boycott South African poll Ekklesia, 29 April 2009
  110. Seeds of rebellion, by Albert Buhr, The Times, 15 August 2010
  111. The KwaZulu-Natal Slums Bill: An Illustration of an Institutional Shift in Democracy, by Mikelle Adgate, Scot Dalton, Betsy Fuller Matambanadzo, Perspectives on Global Issues, Fall, 2008
  112. Marie Huchzermeyer, Cities with ‘Slums’: From Informal Settlement Eradication to a Right To The City In Africa] University of Cape Town Press, Cape Town, 2011
  113. Text of the Slums Bill and other Documents. Web.wits.ac.za. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  114. The complete text of the Act, and the legal papers from Abahlali and the state are all archived at http://abahlali.org/node/1629
  115. [31] Shack dwellers take on Slums Act by Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 14 February 2008
  116. Constitutional challenge to law on slums, Ernest Mabuza, Business Day, 4 May 2009[dead link]
  117. [32] 'Three provinces protest against slum bill', by Bonile Ngqiyaza, The Star, 15 May 2009
  118. South Africa shanty town bill row, BBC, 15 May 2009. BBC News (14 May 2009). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  119. Shack Dwellers Fight Demolition in S. Africa Court, One World, 15 May 2009. Us.oneworld.net. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  120. ‘From shack to the Constitutional Court’: The litigious disruption of governing global cities, by Anna Selmeczi, Utrecht Law Review, April 2011
  121. So what difference does it make? Socio-economic rights and democratising development in South Africa, Peris Jones, Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, 27 April 2011
  122. See http://www.abahlali.org/node/3582
  123. [33]'The Africa that Pushes Back' by Mukoma Wa Ngugi, Foreign Policy in Focus, 24 December 2008
  124. [34] 'The politics of fear and the fear of politics' by Michael Neocosmos, Pambazuka, 2008
  125. From 'Foreign Natives' to 'Native Foreigners': Explaining Xenophobia in Post-Apartheid South Africa, Michael Neocosmos, CODESRIA, Dakar, 2010
  126. “We are Gauteng People” Challenging the politics of xenophobia in Khutsong, South Africa, Seminar Presentation, Joshua Kirshner, 23 February 2011, Rhodes University
  127. See 'The Politics of Fear and the Fear of Politics: Reflections on Xenophobic Violence in South Africa', an article by Professor Michael Neocosmos from Monash University in Australia in the Journal of Asian & African Studies Vol. 43, No. 6, 586–594 (2008)
  128. 'The May 2008 Pogroms: xenophobia, evictions, liberalism, and democratic grassroots militancy in South Africa' by Richard Pithouse, in ''Sanhati'', June 2008. Sanhati.com. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  129. See, for instance, Against Police Brutality – March On Glen Nayager, 10 April 2007. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  130. Nigel Gibson, 'Upright and free: Fanon in South Africa, from Biko to the shackdwellers' movement (Abahlali baseMjondolo)', Social Identities (Volume 14, Issue 6 November 2008 , pages 683 – 715)
  131. [Various entries at Abahlali baseMjondolo http://www.abahlali.org]
  132. Transforming the basis of knowledge, Budd Hall, University World News, 25 May 2013
  133. 133.0 133.1 A Quiet Coup: South Africa’s largest social movement under attack as the World Cup Looms Toussaint Losier, Left Turn Magazine, June 2010
  134. Shack dwellers threat to Cup Francis Hweshe, The Sowetan, 1 June 2010
  135. South Africa: from Polokwane to the World Cup and after, Martin Legassick, World Wide Socialist Network, 9 July 2010
  136. Richard Pithouse' Thinking Resistance in the Shantytown', Mute Magazine, August 2006
  137. Abahlali baseMjondolo, Spatial Agency. Spatialagency.net. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  138. Abahlali’s Vocal Politics of Proximity: Speaking, Suffering and Political Subjectivization, Anna Selmeczi, Journal of Asian and African Studies, October 2012 vol. 47 no. 5 498-515
  139. The movement's philosophy is clearly articulated in a number of statements on its website – see, especially, the statements at http://abahlali.org/node/3208 It is also usefully summarised in the academic work by Nigel Gibson
  140. [35] Also see 'Taking poverty seriously: What the poor are saying and why it matters' by Xin Wei Ngiam in Critical Dialogue, Vol.2, No.1, 2006
  141. [36] Educating resistance by Anna Anna Selmeczi in Debating David Harvey in Interface Journal (pp. 309 – 314), Volume 2 issue 1 (May 2010)
  142. [37] We are being left to burn because we do not count: Biopolitics, Abandonment, and Resistance by Anna Selmeczi in Global Society, Volume 23, Issue 4 October 2009 , pages 519 – 538
  143. 143.0 143.1 Politics of Grieving, by Drucilla Cornell, Social Text, 2011
  144. Report on the Attack on Abahlali baseMjonolo in the Kennedy Road settlement by the Development Planning Unit of University College London, by Malavika Vartak, 2009
  145. http://abahlali.org/node/7619 Morgan Rodgers Gibson (2010) 'Anarchism, the State and the Praxis of Contemporary Antisystemic Social Movements', Website of Abahlali baseMjondolo, December, 2010]
  146. Modern Anarchist Societies Series – Abahlali baseMjondolo || The Autonomous Exemplars of South Africa. Shwagr.com. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  147. Morgan Rodgers Gibson (2009) 'The Role of Anarchism in Contemporary Anti-Systemic Social Movements', Website of Abahlali baseMjondolo, December, 2009
  148. [38] Elections: A Dangerous Time for Poor People's Movements in South Africa
  149. [39] "No Vote” Campaigns are not a Rejection of Democracy, November 2005
  150. W Cape voters ‘not predictable’, Quinton Mtyala and Babalo Ndenze, The Cape Argus, 18 May 2011
  151. ‘No Land! No House! No Vote!’, The Mercury, By SINEGUGU NDLOVU AND BRONWYN FOURIE, 19 May 2011
  152. Deep Read: 'Born free' voters may not choose ANC, JON HERSKOVITZ, Mail & Guardian, 29 January 2013
  153. Economies Go UndergroundRobert Neuwirth, Forbes, 09.09.10,
  154. Be angry with government, not cops, Lee Rondganger, Lyse Comins and Nosipho Mngoma, The Daily News, 2014
  155. We will vote, but not ANC: Abahali, Nosipho Mngoma, The Daily News, 29 April 2014
  156. Abahlali Basemjondolo publicly endorse the DA for the elections Sizwe Mchunu, DA Leader in KwaZulu-Natal, 2 May 2014
  157. [40] Article by S'bu Zikode written in response to Third Force allegations
  158. See a report in illegal police repression in South Africa by the Freedom of Expression Institute. Fxi.org.za (9 November 2011). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  159. 159.0 159.1 159.2 Dissent Under Thabo Mbeki, Jane Duncan, May 2011
  160. Nigel C. Gibson, Living Fanon: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (2011: London, Palgrave Macillan)
  161. Shack Dwellers on the Move in Durban, Richard Pithouse, Radical Philosophy, 2007
  162. Yonk'indawo Umzabalazo Uyasivumela: New work from Durban, Research Report. (PDF) . Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  163. This is discussed in the Journal of Asian & African Studies Feb 2008; vol. 43: pp. 63 – 94.http://jas.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/43/1/63
  164. Also see a letter from the Freedom of Expression Institute, 23 February 2008, which gives a detailed chronology of the banning of one march. (PDF) . Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  165. [41] Article in the Daily News
  166. Statement by the Freedom of Expression Institute. Fxi.org.za (9 November 2011). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  167. [42] Will Zuma administration open its ears to the streets?, Jane Duncan, Business Day, 4 August 2009]
  168. [43] Richard Pithouse, 'South Africa: Freedom not yet', Pambazuka, 29 April 2010
  169. BATTLE TO BE HEARD, by Carol Paton, Financial Mail, 16 February 2006
  170. 'I was punched, beaten', Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 16 September 2006,
  171. [44] Freedom of Expression Institute statement
  172. [45] Also see 'Free expression means nothing if it's limited to the media' by Na'eem Jenah, Thought Leader, 18 October 2007
  173. [46] Open Letter to Obed Mlaba & Mike Sutcliffe by COHRE
  174. [47] Testimony by Church Leaders
  175. [48][49] Sunday Tribune article on church leader's statement
  176. [50] Unfreedom Day Speech by Bishop Rubin Philip, 27 April 2007
  177. [51] See'Why we must keep our eyes on the ground' by Professor Stephen Friedman, Business Day, 17 October 2007
  178. SOUTH AFRICA: Poor people's movement draws government wrath, IRIN,UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 22 April 2010
  179. Minister of Police to pay damages to Abahlali members for police brutality, Socio-Economic Rights Institute of South Africa
  180. KZN protest leader shot 12 times, Nkululeko Nene, Daily News, 27 June 2013
  181. KZN: Anatomy of an assassination, Niki Moore, Daily Maverick, 31 July 2013
  182. Africa: Killed for crying foul, by Andrew England, Financial Times, 26 August 2013
  183. Cato Crest: Land hunger of 'Marikana' proportions, Manqoba Nxumalo, Mail & Guardian, 6 September 2013
  184. GroundUp, 1 October 2014
  185. M&G, 3 October 2014
  186. Thuli Ndlovu was Assassinated last Night, Abahlali baseMjondolo, 30 September 2014
  187. Councillor bust for Thulisile's murder, Daily Sun, 3 March 2015
  188. [52] A bishop's pursuit of justice for South Africa's shack dwellers, Emma Pomfret Christian Today
  189. The speech was printed in the May issue of 'Anglican News' and it can be downloaded at http://www.anglican.co.za/archives.htm
  190. [53] 'Abahlali basemjondolo Theology' by Filippo Mondini, Korogocho, 26 June 2008
  191. Sean Jacobs, 'Post-Apartheid Social Movements on Film', Popular Media, Democracy and Development in Africa, Herman Wasserman (Ed.)Routledge, London, 2010
  192. Award-winners at the 32nd Durban International Film Festival. Blog.docfilmsa.com (1 August 2011). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  193. DIFF 2011 | The Wrap Up. Mahala.co.za (3 August 2011). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  194. After Apartheid, More Struggles to Wage, Nicolas Rapold, New York Times, 20 September 2012
  195. The Struggle for Land & Housing in Post-Apartheid South Africa by Toussaint Losier, Left Turn, January 2009
  196. 'Participatory Society: Urban Space & Freedom', by Chris Spannos, Z-Net, 29 May 2009
  197. Voices of poor must be heard, Editorial, Business Day, 25 October 2010
  198. The alliance, and its position on electoral politics, is mentioned in the speech by S'bu Zikode at http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2008/12/415682.html
  199. ANC Attacks Shack Dwellers Movements. Cozop.com. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  200. Protests promised over arrest, Dudu Dube, 25 June 2013, The New Age
  201. Protest at Zuma’s UK visit in solidarity with South African Shack Dwellers, TMP Online, 3 March 2010
  202. http://www.domesticworkersunited.org/
  203. Talk to Us, Not About Us. Lcap.org.uk (22 August 2009). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  204. An Evening with the Shackdwellers Movement of South Africa (20 August 2009). Povertyinitiative.org (20 August 2009). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  205. Picture the Homeless Protest in New York City, 9 Oct 2009. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  206. Zapatista-Inspired Rally Held in New York City; Aims to Fight Gentrification by Paola Reyes, Latin Dispatch, 3 March 2010
  207. Media Mobilizing Project. Mediamobilizing.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  208. Take Back the Land in South Africa. Takebacktheland.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  209. Tek bir insan ırkı vardır-Abahlali baseMjondolo (Güney Afrika). Sendika.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  210. Combined Harare Residents' Association Visit to Abahlali: mid June 2007. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  211. Il doppio shock by Gianluca Carmosino, Clandestino
  212. War on Want Writes to the South African High Commissioner|date=July 2010
  213. [54], Press Statement by Sutcliffe
  214. [55], Sunday Tribune article by Mabaso
  215. ANC: ‘Abahlali and opposition a third force’, Mhlabunzima Memela, The Witness, 17 October 2013
  216. 216.0 216.1 On the SMI, from the Anti-Eviction Campaign. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  217. Setshedi, V. (2006) ‘Report Glosses Over Tsotsi Politics’, Mail and Guardian, 18 December 2006
  218. On the far side of left, Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 8 December 2006
  219. Raw Footage of the Protest at the SMI by the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign and Abahlali baseMjondolo. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  220. Shack dwellers strike set to last one month, Anna Majavu & Unathi Obose, 4 October 2010
  221. South Africa’s rebellion of the poor, by Rebecca Burns, Waging Non-Violence
  222. Urgent Call. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  223. Unite poor and working class people! Reject Abahlali baseMjondolo’s call for violence. Writingrights.org (13 October 2010). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  224. Blockading Public Roads is anarchy and reactionary. Politicsweb.co.za. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  225. Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape Replies to the Treatment Action Campaign. Abahlali.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  226. Abahlali baseMjondolo of the Western Cape Responds to the South African Communist Party. Abahlali.org (18 October 2010). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  227. The Protests in TR Section Today Are Organised by the ANC Youth League and Not by AbM Western Cape. Khayelitshastruggles.com (12 November 2010). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  228. Ungovernability in Cape Town. Politicsweb.co.za. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  229. ANC’s reshuffle. Leadershiponline.co.za (23 November 2010). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  230. Report: Experiences of Abahlali baseMjondolo in Durban, South Africa, by Malavika Vartak, Development Planning Unit of University College London
  231. Kennedy Road Development Committee Attacked – People Have Been Killed, 27 September 2009
  232. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  233. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
  234. Ethnic Tensions Boil Over, Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 3 October 2009. Mg.co.za (3 October 2009). Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  235. The Work of Violence: Armed Attacks at the Kennedy Road Shack Settlement, Kerry Chance, Rhodes University, March 2011
  236. Kennedy olive branch a sham Kennedy olive branch a sham, Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 11 October 2009
  237. Ethnic Tension Boils Over, Niren Tolsi, Mail & Guardian, 3 October 2009
  238. ANC chief's fat-cat deals By Wendy Jasson da Costa, The Mercury, 12 March 2010
  239. Slum dwellers’ body wants Langa to lead attack probe WILSON JOHWA, Business Day, 2009/11/0
  240. 240.0 240.1 Kennedy olive branch a sham Mail & Guardian
  241. The Kennedy 12 Go To Trial Today, AbM Press Statement
  242. Lua error in package.lua at line 80: module 'strict' not found.
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  245. South African Council of Churches Appalled by Violent Attacks Against Democracy[dead link]
  246. Statement in support of Abahlali baseMjondolo, by Noam Chomsky et al,9 October 2009
  247. [56] Wilson Johwa, 'Slum dwellers’ body wants Langa to lead attack probe', Business Day, 5 November 2009
  248. [57] Call for President to Establish a Commission of Inquiry into Violence Against Shackdwellers
  249. [58] Letter to President Jacob Zuma from the Norwegian Centre for Human Rights
  250. [59] Failure to conduct impartial investigation into Kennedy Road violence is leading to further human rights abuses, Amnesty International, 16 December 2009
  251. [60] Radio 786, 1 May 2010, Abahlali Stands Defended
  252. South Africa: Attacks on housing rights activists must stop, Centre on Housing Rights & Evictions, Geneva, 12 May 2010
  253. Shack dwellers falsely arrested, says bishop, Kamini Padayachee, The Mercury, 19 November 2009
  254. 'Produce the evidence’, demands Bishop Rubin Phillip Diakonia Council of Churches, 29 November 2009
  255. Justice delayed and denied for 12 Kennedy Road accused, Jeff Guy, The Mercury, 13 May 2010
  256. Amnesty International South Africa Report 2011. Amnesty.org. Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  257. CCR Appeals to UN on Behalf of South African Shack Dwellers Movement, 1 December 2010
  258. Press statement by the Unemployed Peoples Movement, 18 July 2011
  259. The ANC and the failing of democratic governance, Paul Trewhela, Politics Web, 27 August 2011
  260. "Kennedy 12" Acquitted. (PDF) . Retrieved on 4 December 2011.
  261. Amnesty International Annual Report 2012

External links

Films about Abahlali baseMjondolo

[dead link]